TRANSACTIONS 


I 


OF  THE 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY 

OF  WASHINGTON. 


PUBLISHED  WITH  THE  CO-OPERATION  OF  THE  SMITHSONIAN  INSTITUTION. 


Volume  III. 


November  6,  1883 — May  19,  1885. 


n 


LJBR 


tutiqn 

'ARIES 


WASHINGTON: 

PRINTED  FOR  TELE  SOCIETY. 

1885. 


PUBLICATIONS  OF  THE  SOCIETY. 


Abstract  of  Transactions — i vol.,  150  pp.,  includes  a summary  of  Transac- 
tions of  the  Society  from  its  first  regular  meeting,  March  4,  1879,  to  Jan- 
uary 18,  1881. 

Transactions  Vol.  I,  142  pp.,  includes  transactions  down  to  January  17,  1882. 
Transactions  Vol.  II,  211  pp.,  includes  transactions  to  and  including  May, 
1883. 


Communications  for  the  Society  should  be  addressed  to  Col.  F/ A.  Seely, 
U.  S.  Patent  Office. 


Exchanges  and  specimens  should  be  sent  to  Dr.  W.  J.  Hoffman,  Bureau  of 

Ethnology. 


OFFICERS  AND  COUNCIL 


OF  THE 

Anthropological  Society  of  Washington 

FOR  THE  YEAR  1885. 


OFFICERS. 


PRESIDENT. 

J.  W.  POWELL. 


VICE-PRESIDENTS. 


Section  A,  Somatology , . . . . . ' 

Section  B,  Sociology , 

Section  C,  Philology , Philosophy , and  Psychology , 
Section  D,  Technology , ..... 


ROBERT  FLETCHER. 
LESTER  F.  WARD. 
GARRICK  MALLERY. 
OTIS  T.  MASON. 


GENERAL  secretary. 

S.  V.  PROUDFIT. 

SECRETARY  TO  THE  COUNCIL. 

F.  A.  SEELY. 

TREASURER. 

J.  HOWARD  GORE. 

CURATOR. 

W.  J.  HOFFMAN. 


COUNCIL. 


J.  W.  POWELL. 
ROBERT  FLETCHER. 
GARRICK  MALLERY. 
OTIS  T.  MASON. 
LESTER  F.  WARD. 

F.  A.  SEELY. 

S.  V.  PROUDFIT. 


J.  H.  GORE. 

W.  J.  HOFFMAN. 

W.  H.  HOLMES. 

H.  H.  BATES. 

FRANK  BAKER. 
DAVID  HUTCHESON. 
J.  O.  DORSEY. 


CYRUS  THOMAS. 


COMMITTEES. 

' ON  PAPERS. 

Messrs.  FLETCHER,  MALLERY,  MASON,  and  WARD. 

ON  PRINTING. 

Messrs.  MASON,  SEELY,  PROUDFIT,  and  WARD. 


CONSTITUTION. 


Article  I. — Name . 

The  name  of  this  Society  shall  be  “ The  Anthropological 
Society  of  Washington.” 

Article  II. — Object. 

The  object  of  this  Society  shall  be  to  encourage  the  study  of  the 
Natural  History  of  Man,  especially  with  reference  to  America,  and 
shall  include  Somatology,  Sociology,  Philology,  Philosophy,  Psy- 
chology, and  Technology. 

Article  III. — Members. 

The  members  of  this  Society  shall  be  persons  who  are  interested 
in  Anthropology,  and  shall  be  divided  into  three  classes  : Active, 
Corresponding,  and  Honorary.  The  active  members  shall  be  those 
who  reside  in  Washington,  or  in  its  vicinity,  and  who  shall  pay  the 
dues  required  by  Article  XV.  Failure  to  comply  with  this  pro- 
vision within  two  months  after  due  notice  of  election,  unless  satisfac- 
torily explained  to  the  Council,  shall  render  the  election  void. 
Corresponding  members  shall  be  those  who  are  engaged  in  an- 
thropological investigations  in  other  localities ; honorary  members 
shall  be  those  who  have  contributed  by  authorship  or  patronage  to 
the  Advancement  of  Anthropology.  Corresponding  or  honorary 
members  may  become  active  members  by  paying  the  fee  required 
by  Article  XV.  Any  corresponding  member  from  whom  no  scien- 
tific contribution  is  received  for  two  years  after  his  election  may  be 
dropped  from  the  list  of  members  by  a vote  of  the  Council,  but 
when  so  dropped  shall  be  eligible  to  reinstatement. 

All  members  shall  be  elected  by  the  Council  and  by  ballot,  as  fol- 
lows : The  name  of  the  candidate  shall  be  recommended  to  the 
Council,  in  writing,  by  two  members  of  the  Society,  and  eight 
affirmative  ballots  shall  be  necessary  to  an  election. 

No  person  shall  be  entitled  to  the  privileges  of  active  member- 
ship before  paying  the  admission  fee  provided  in  Article  XV. 

v 


VI 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


Article  IV. — Officers. 

The  officers  of  this  Society  shall  be  a President,  four  Vice-Presi- 
dents, a General  Secretary,  a Secretary  to  the  Council,  a Treasurer, 
and  a Curator,  all  of  whom,  together  with  six  other  active  members, 
shall  constitute  a Council,  all  to  be  elected  by  ballot  at  each  annual 
meeting.  The  officers  shall  serve  one  year,  or  until  their  successors 
are  elected. 

Article  V. — The  Council. 

All  business  of  the  Society,  except  the  election  of  officers  at  the 
annual  meeting,  shall  be  transacted  by  the  Council,  five  members 
of  which  shall  constitute  a quorum. 

The  Council  shall  meet  one  half-hour  before  the  regular  sessions 
of  the  Society,  and  at  such  other  times  as  they  may  be  called  to- 
gether by  the  President.  They  may  call  special  meetings  of  the 
Society. 

Article  VI.  — The  Sections. 

For  active  operations  the  Society  shall  be  divided  into  four  sec- 
tions, as  follows : Section  A,  Somatology ; Section  B,  Sociology ; 
Section  C,  Philology,  Philosophy,  and  Psychology ; Section  D, 
Technology.  The  Vice-Presidents  of  the  Society  shall  be  ex-officio 
chairmen  of  these  sections  respectively,  and  shall  be  designated  by 
the  President  to  their  sections  after  their  election.  It  shall  be  the 
duty  of  these  sections  to  keep  the  Society  informed  upon  the  pro- 
gress of  research  in  their  respective  fields,  to  make  special  investiga- 
tions when  requested  by  the  Council,  to  announce  interesting  dis- 
coveries, to  collect  specimens,  manuscripts,  publications,  newspaper 
clippings,  etc.,  and  in  every  way  to  foster  their  divisions  of  the 
work. 

All  papers  presented  to  the  sections  shall  be  referred  to  the  Coun- 
cil, and  through  it  to  the  Society. 

Article  VII. — The  President. 

The  President,  or,  in  his  absence,  one  of  the  Vice-Presidents, 
shall  preside  over  the  meetings  of  the  Society  and  of  the  Council, 
and  shall  appoint  all  committees  in  the  Council  and  in  the  Society. 

At  the  first  meeting  in  February  the  retiring  President  shall  de- 
liver an  address  to  the  Society. 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


VII 


Article  VIII. — The  Vice-Presidents. 

The  Vice-Presidents  shall  respectively  preside  over  the  sections 
to  which  they  have  been  designated,  and  represent  such  sections  in 
the  Council  and  in  the  Society. 

Each  of  the  Vice-Presidents  shall  deliver  an  address  during  the 
year  upon  such  subject  within  his  department  as  he  may  select. 

Article  IX. — The  General  Secretary. 

It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  General  Secretary  to  record  the  trans- 
actions and  conduct  the  general  correspondence  of  the  Society. 

Article  X. — The  Secretary  to  the  Council. 

The  Secretary  to  the  Council  shall  keep  the  minutes  of  the  Coun- 
cil, shall  keep  a list  of  active,  corresponding,  and  honorary  mem- 
bers, with  their  residences,  shall  notify  members  of  the  time  and 
place  of  all  meetings  of  the  Society,  and  shall  perform  such  other 
duties  as  the  Council  may  direct. 

Article  XI. — The  Treasurer. 

The  Treasurer  shall  receive  and  have  charge  of  all  moneys ; he 
shall  deposit  the  funds  as  directed  by  the  Council,  and  shall  not  ex- 
pend any  money  except  as  ordered  by  the  Council.  He  shall 
notify  members  in  writing  when  their  dues  have  remained  unpaid 
for  six  months. 

Article  XII. — The  Citrator. 

The  Curator  shall  receive,  acknowledge,  and  have  charge  of  all 
books,  pamphlets,  photographs,  clippings,  and  other  anthropologi- 
cal material,  and  shall  dispose  of  them  in  accordance  with  Article 
XVI,  keeping  a record  of  them  in  a book  provided  by  the  Society. 

Article  XIII. — Meetings. 

The  regular  meetings  of  the  Society  shall  be  held  on  the  first  and 
the  third  Tuesday  of  each  month  from  November  to  May,  inclusive. 
An  annual  meeting  for  the  election  of  officers  shall  be  held  on  the 
third  Tuesday  of  January  in  each  year,  a quorum  to  consist  of 
twenty  active  members  who  are  not  in  arrears  for  dues  ; and  visitors 
shall  not  be  admitted.  The  Proceedings  of  the  Society  shall  be 
conducted  in  accordance  with  the  established  rules  of  parliamentary 


VIII 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


practice.  Papers  read  shall  be  limited  to  twenty  minutes,  after 
which  the  subject  shall  be  thrown  open  for  discussion,  remarks 
thereon  to  be  limited  to  five  minutes  for  each  speaker. 

Article  XIV. — Publications. 

The  address  of  the  President,  provided  in  Article  VII,  and  the 
transactions  of  the  Society,  shall  be  printed  and  published  annually 
or  at  such  periods  and  in  such  form  as  may  be  determined  by  the 
Council. 

Article  XV. — Fees  and  Dues. 

The  admission  fee  shall  be  five  dollars,  which  shall  exempt  the 
member  from  the  payment  of  dues  during  the  year  in  which  he  is 
elected.  The  annual  dues  thereafter  shall  be  three  dollars,  to  be  paid 
prior  to  the  election  in  January.  The  names  of  members  failing 
to  pay  their  dues  one  month  after  written  notice  from  the  Treas- 
urer, as  provided  in  Article  XI,  shall  be  dropped  from  the  roll, 
unless  from  absence  of  the  member  from  Washington  or  other  satis- 
factory explanation,  the  Council  shall  otherwise  determine. 

Article  XVI. — Gifts. 

It  shall  be  the  duty  of  all  members  to  seek  to  increase  and  per- 
fect the  materials  of  anthropological  study  in  the  national  collec- 
tions at  Washington.  All  gifts  of  specimens,  books,  pamphlets, 
maps,  photographs,  and  newspaper  clippings  shall  be  received  by 
the  Curator,  who  shall  exhibit  them  before  the  Society  at  the  next 
regular  meeting  after  their  reception,  and  shall  make  such  abstract 
or  entry  concerning  them,  in  a book  provided  by  the  Society,  as 
will  secure  their  value  as  materials  of  research ; after  which  all 
archaeological  and  ethnological  materials  shall  be  deposited  in  the 
National  Museum,  in  the  name  of  the  donor  and  of  the  Society ; 
all  crania  and  somatic  specimens,  in  the  Army  Medical  Museum ; 
all  books,  pamphlets,  photographs,  clippings,  and  abstracts,  in  the 
archives  of  the  Society. 

Article  XVII. — Amendments. 

This  constitution  shall  not  be  amended  except  by  a three-fourths 
vote  of  the  active  members  present  at  the  annual  meeting  for  the 
election  of  officers,  and  after  notice  of  the  proposed  change  shall 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


IX 


have  been  given  in  writing  at  a regular  meeting  of  the  Society,  at 
least  one  month  previously. 

Article  XVIII . — Order  of  Business. 

The  order  of  business  at  each  regular  meeting  shall  be : 

1.  Reading  the  minutes  of  the  last  meeting. 

2.  Report  of  the  Council  upon  membership. 

3.  Report  of  the  Curator. 

4.  Reading  the  papers  and  discussions. 

5.  Notes  and  queries. 


X 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


LIST  OF  SOCIETIES 

IN  CORRESPONDENCE  WITH  THE  ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY  OF  WASHINGTON. 


Essex  Institute,  Salem,  Mass. 

Peabody  Museum  of  American  Archaeology  and  Ethnology,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Archaeological  Institute  of  America,  Boston,  Mass. 

Numismatic  and  Antiquarian  Society,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Library  Company  of  Philadelphia,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Buffalo  Academy  of  Natural  Sciences,  Buffalo,  N.  Y. 

Davenport  Academy  of  Natural  Sciences,  Davenport,  iowa. 

California  Academy  of  Sciences,  San  Francisco,  Cal. 

Geographical  Society  of  Hungary,  Budapest,  Austro- Hungary. 

Royal  Bohemian  Society  of  Sciences,  Prague,  Bohemia. 

Anthropological  Society  of  Vienna,  Vienna,  Austria. 

Royal  Society  of  Northern  Antiquaries,  Copenhagen,  Denmark. 

Society  of  Archaeology,  History,  and  Literature  of  the  District  of  Beaune,  Beaune, 
France. 

Society  of  Borda,  Dax,  France. 

Geographical  Society  of  Lyons,  Lyons,  France. 

Geographical  Society  of  Paris,  Paris,  France. 

Societe  d’Anthropologie,  Paris,  France. 

Society  of  Antiquaries  of  the  Morime,  St.  Omer,  France. 

Italian  Geographical  Society,  Rome,  Italy. 

Italian  Anthropological  Society,  Florence,  Italy. 

Royal  Academy  of  Belles  Lettres,  History,  and  Antiquities,  Stockholm,  Sweden. 
Royal  Linceian  Academy,  Rome,  Italy. 

Geographical  Society  of  Lisbon,  Lisbon,  Portugal. 

Anthropological  Society  of  Munich,  Munich,  Germany. 

Geographical  and  Statistical  Society,  Frankfort-a-M,  Germany. 

Geographical  Society  of  Dresden,  Dresden,  Germany. 

Anthropological  Society,  Leipzig,  Germany. 

Imperial  Society  of  the  Friends  of  Natural  History,  Anthropology,  and  Ethnog- 
raphy, Moscow,  Russia. 

Imperial  Russian  Geographical  Society,  St.  Petersburg. 

Royal  Norwegian  Academy  of  Sciences,  Troudhjem,  Norway. 

Icelandic  Archaeological  Society,  Reykjavik,  Iceland. 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


Swedish  Society  of  Geography  and  Anthropology,  Stockholm,  Sweden. 
Geographical  Society  of  Bern,  Bern,  Switzerland. 

Antiquarian  Society,  Zurich,  Switzerland. 

Victoria  Institute,  London,  England. 

Isle  of  Man  Natural  History  and  Antiquarian  Society,  Ramsey,  Isle  of  Man. 
Archaeological  Institute,  Liege,  Belgium. 

Archaeological  Society  of  Athens,  Greece 
Geographical  Society  of  Halle,  Germany. 

Vassar  Brothers’  Institute,  N.  Y. 

Wyoming  Historical  and  Geological  Society,  Wilkes  Barre,  Pa. 

Philosophical  Society  of  Washington,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Bureau  of  Ethnology,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Rhode  Island  Historical  Society,  Providence,  R.  I. 

Des  Moines  Academy  of  Sciences,  Des  Moines,  Iowa. 

Technical  Society  of  San  Francisco,  Cal. 

Smithsonian  Institution,  Washington,  D.  C, 

National  Museum,  Washington,  D.  C. 


LIST  OF  MEMBERS 


OF  THE 

ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY  OF  WASHINGTON. 


HONORARY  MEMBERS. 

Prof.  Demetri  Anoutchine,  Moscow,  Russia. 

Prof.  Spencer  F.  Baird,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Prof.  Adolf  Bastian,  Berlin,  Prussia. 

Dr.  John  Beddoe,  Bristol,  England. 

Prof.  George  Busk,  London,  England. 

Prof.  G.  Capellini,  Bologna,  Italy. 

M.  Emile  Cartailhac,  Toulouse,  France. 

M.  Ernest  Chantre,  Lyons,  France. 

Mr.  John  Evans,  London,  England. 

Prof.  H.  Fischer,  Freiburg,  Baden. 

Rev.  Lorimer  Fison,  Navuloa,  Fiji. 

Prof.  William  H.  Flower,  London,  England. 

Prof.  Ernest  Haeckel,  Jena,  Germany. 

Prof.  W.  His,  Leipzig,  Germany. 

Prof.  Abel  Hovelacque,  Paris,  France. 

Prof.  Thomas  H.  Huxley,  London,  England. 

Sr.  Joaquim  Garcia  Icazbalceta,  Mexico,  Mexico. 

Sir  John  Lubbock,  London,  England. 

Prof.  Paolo  Mantegazza,  Florence,  Italy. 

Sir  Henry  S.  Maine,  London,  England. 

Dr.  Washington  Matthews,  U.  S.  A.,  Washington,  D.  C. 
Dr.  A.  B.  Meyer,  Dresden,  Germany. 

Prof.  Gabriel  de  Mortillet,  Paris,  France. 

Dr.  M.  Much,  Vienna,  Austria. 

Prof.  Frederick  Muller,  Vienna,  Austria. 

Maj.  Gen.  Pitt-Rivers,  London,  England. 

Dr.  Samuel  Pozzi,  Paris,  France. 


XIII 


XIV 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


Prof.  A.  de  Quatrefages,  Paris,  France. 

Prof.  Gustav  Retzius,  Stockholm,  Sweden. 

Prof.  A.  H.  Sayce,  Oxford,  England. 

Dr.  Emil  Schmidt,  Leipzig,  Germany. 

Prof.  Waldemar  Schmidt,  Copenhagen,  Denmark. 
Prof.  Japetus  Steenstrup,  Copenhagen,  Denmark. 
Dr.  Paul  Topinard,  Paris,  France. 

Dr.  Edward  B.  Tylor,  Oxford,  England. 

Prof.  Rudolph  Virchow,  Berlin,  Russia. 

Prof.  Carl  Vogt,  Geneva,  Switzerland. 


CORRESPONDING  MEMBERS. 

Dr.  Charles  C.  Abbott,  Trenton,  N.  J. 

Dr.  H.  B.  Adams,  Baltimore,  Md. 

Rev.  Joseph  Anderson,  Waterbury,  Conn. 

Mr.  Hubert  H.  Bancroft,  San  Francisco,  Cal. 
Mr.  Ad.  F.  Bandelier,  Highland,  111. 

Mr.  Moriz  Benedikt,  Coblenz,  Rhine-Prussia. 
Mr.  A.  F.  Berlin,  Allentown,  Pennsylvania. 

Mr.  Geo.  F.  Black,  Edinburgh,  Scotland. 

Prince  Roland  Bonaparte,  St.  Cloud,  France. 
Dr.  J.  E.  Bransford,  U.  S.  Navy. 

Dr.  Daniel  G.  Brinton,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Mr.  Lucien  Carr,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Mr.  Drake  Carter,  Versailles,  Kentucky. 

Sr.  Alfredo  Chavero,  Mexico,  Mexico. 

Dr.  Arthur  Chervin,  Paris,  France. 

Dr.  John  Collett,  Indianapolis,  Ind. 

Mr.  G.  C.  Comfort,  Syracuse,  New  York. 

Mr.  A.  J.  Conant,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 

Mr.  Frank  Cowen,  Greensburg,  Pennsylvania. 
Prof.  W.  Boyd  Dawkins,  Manchester,  England. 
Mr.  George  M.  Dawson,  Montreal,  Canada. 

Prof.  Alex.  Ecker,  Freiburg,  Baden. 

Dr.  George  J.  Engelmann,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 

Gen.  L.  Faidherbe,  Paris,  France. 

Mr.  M.  F.  Force,  Cincinnati,  Ohio. 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


XV 


M.  P.  Cazalis  de  Fondouce,  Montpellier,  France. 

Mr.  Francis  Galton,  London,  England. 

Dr.  Enrico  H.  Giglioli,  Florence,  Italy. 

Mr.  Basil  H.  Gildersleeve,  Baltimore,  Md. 

Count  G.  Gozzadini,  Bologna,  Italy. 

Mr.  Horatio  Hale,  Clinton,  Ontario,  Canada. 

Prof.  G.  Stanley  Hall,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Major  A.  M.  Hancock,  Churchville,  Maryland. 

Prof.  Robert  Hartmann,  Berlin,  Prussia. 

Rev.  Horace  Edwin  Hayden,  Wilkes  Barre,  Pennsylvania. 
Mr.  Frederick  von  Hellwald,  Stuttgart,  Wiirtemberg. 

Col.  H.  H.  Hilder,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 

Mr.  Alfred  W.  Howitt,  Gippsland,  Victoria. 

Dr.  P.  R.  Hoy,  Racine,  Wisconsin. 

Col.  C.  C.  Jones,  Augusta,  Ga. 

Prof.  Augustus  H.  Keane,  London,  England. 

Hon.  J.  Warren  Keifer,  Springfield,  Ohio. 

Prof.  Washington  C.  Kerr,  Raleigh,  N.  C. 

Dr.  Friedrich  S.  Krauss,  Vienna,  Austria. 

Rev.  Geo.  A.  Leakin,  Baltimore,  Md. 

Dr.  Gustave  Le  Bon,  Paris,  France. 

Dr.  Oscar  Loew,  Munich,  Bavaria. 

Prof.  Oscar  Montelius,  Stockholm,  Sweden. 

Dr.  John  G.  Morris,  Baltimore,  Md. 

Prof.  Edward  S.  Morse,  Salem,  Mass. 

Marquis  de  Nadaillac,  Paris,  France. 

Mr.  E.  W.  Nelson,  Colorado  Springs,  Col. 

Sr.  Orozco  y Berra,  Mexico,  Mexico. 

Mr.  Ivan  Petroff,  — , . 

M.  Alphonse  Pinart,  Panama,  United  States  of  Colombia. 
Prof.  I.  Pomialowsky,  St.  Petersburg,  Russia. 

Prof.  Raphael  Pumpelly,  Newport,  R.  I. 

Prof.  Frederick  W.  Putnam,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Prof.  Johannes  Ranke,  Munich,  Bavaria, 

M.  Elis£e  Reclus,  Clarens,  Vaux,  Switzerland. 

Mr.  H.  Rivett-Carnac,  Allahabad,  India. 

Rev.  Edmund  S.  Slafter,  Boston,  Mass. 

Dr.  Ludwig  Stieda,  Dorpat,  Russia. 

Dr.  F.  Techmer,  Leipzig,  Germany. 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


Dr.  Hermann  Ten  Kate,  The  Hague,  Holland. 

Dr.  Alton  H.  Thompson,  Topeka,  Kansas. 

Mr.  Arni  Thorsteinson,  Reykjavik,  Iceland. 

Dr.  Aur£le  de  T0r5k,  Budapest,  Hungary. 

Mr.  E.  P.  Vining,  Chicago,  111. 

Dr.  H.  Wankel,  Blansko,  Moravia. 

Mr.  W.  C.  Whitford,  Milton,  Wisconsin. 

Rev.  S.  J.  Whitmee,  Dublin,  Ireland. 

Col.  Charles  Whittlesey,  Cleveland,  Ohio. 

Pres’t  Daniel  Wilson,  Toronto,  Ontario,  Canada. 
Mr.  Thomas  Wilson,  U.  S.  Consul,  Nantes,  France. 
Prof.  Alex.  Winchell,  Ann  Arbor,  Michigan. 

Count  G.  Zaborowski,  Paris,  France. 


ACTIVE  MEMBERS. 

Dr.  Geo.  N.  Acker,  Demonstrator  of  Physiology,  Nat.  Med.  Col. 

Mr.  Charles  F.  Adams,  U.  S.  Civil  Service  Commission. 

Dr.  A.  T.  Augusta,  Physician,  1319  L street  N.  W. 

Mr.  Wm.  H.  Babcock,  Solicitor  of  Patents,  P.  O.  Box  220. 

Dr.  Frank  Baker,  Professor  of  Anatomy,  326  C street  N.  W.  -4= 

Mr.  Henry  M.  Baker,  1411  F street  N.  W. 

. Mr.  Henry  H.  Bates,  Examiner-in-Chief,  U.  S.  Patent  Office. 

. Prof.  Alex.  Graham  Bell,  Scott  Circle. 

■ Dr.  Emil  Bessels,  1441  Massachusetts  Avenue  N.  W. 

Dr.  Horatio  R.  Bigelow,  1228  N street  N.  W. 

Mr.  Otis  Bigelow,  Banker,  1501  18th  street  N.  W. 

Gen.  Wm.  Birney,  Attorney,  Le  Droit  Park. 

Mr.  Jas.  H.  Blodgett,  U.  S.  Geological  Survey, 

Dr.  J.  F.  Brandsford,  U.  S.  Navy. 

Mr.  J.  Stanley  Brown,  1318  Massachusetts  Avenue  N.  W. 

Mr.  Edson  A.  Burdick,  U.  S.  Pension  Office. 

Prof.  E.  S.  Burgess,  Washington  High  School,  810  12th  street  N.  W. 
Dr.  Swan  M.  Burnett,  Oculist,  1215  I street  N.  W. 

Mr.  Anton  Carl,  U.  S.  Geological  Survey. 

Prof.  J.  W.  Chickering,  Jr.,  National  Deaf-Mute  College. 

Mr.  Edwin  Coombs,  Sixth  Auditor’s  Office. 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


XVII 


Mr.  Frank  H.  Cushing,  Bureau  of  Ethnology. 

Rev.  J.  Owen  Dorsey,  Bureau  of  Ethnology. 

Capt.  C.  E.  Dutton,  U.  S.  A.,  U.  S.  Geological  Survey. 

Hon.  Dorman  B.  Eaton,  U.  S.  Civil  Service  Commission. 

Prof.  Edward  Allen  Fay,  National  Deaf-Mute  College. 

"^Dr.  Robert  Fletcher,  Editor  of  Index  Medicus , The  Portland. 

Mr.  Weston  Flint,  Librarian  U.  S.  Patent  Office. 

Prof.  E.  T.  Fristoe,  Columbian  University. 

Dr.  E.  M.  Gallaudet,  President  of  the  National  Deaf-Mute  College. 
Mr.  Henry  Gannett,  U.  S.  Geological  Survey,  Le  Droit  Park. 

Mr.  Albert  S.  Gatschet,  Bureau  of  Ethnology, 

Mr.  C.  D.  Gedney,  U.  S.  Coast  Survey  Office. 

Mr.  G.  K.  Gilbert,  U.  S.  Geological  Survey. 

Mr.  G.  Brown  Goode,  Assistant  Director  U.  S.  National  Museum. 
Mr.  J.  King  Goodrich,  U.  S.  National  Museum. 

Prof.  J.  Howard  Gore,  Columbian  University. 

Mr.  Elgin  R.  L.  Gould,  1014  10th  street  N.  W. 

Hon.  J.  M.  Gregory,  U.  S.  Civil  Service  Commission. 

Dr.  Chas.  E.  Hagner,  Physician,  1400  H street  N.  W. 

Mr.  Amos  W.  Hart,  Solicitor  of  Patents,  Lock  Box  13. 

Mr.  L.  J.  Hatch,  1318  Massachusetts  Avenue. 

Dr.  Wm.  H.  Hawkes,  Physician,  1330  N.  Y.  Avenue. 

Mr.  H.  W.  Henshaw,  Bureau  of  Ethnology. 

Mr.  S.  D.  Hinman,  Yankton,  Dak. 

Dr.  W.  J.  Hoffman,  Bureau  of  Ethnology. 

Mr.  Wm.  H.  Holmes,  Bureau  of  Ethnology. 

Dr.  D.  L.  Huntington,  U.  S.  A.,  Surgeon  General’s  Office. 

Mr.  David  Hutcheson,  Library  of  Congress. 

Mr.  John  Irwin,  Jr.,  City  of  Mexico,  Mexico. 

Rear  Adm.  Thornton  A.  Jenkins,  U.  S.  N.,  2115  Pa.  Ave.  N.  W. 
Dr.  Jos.  Taber  Johnson,  Physician,  937  New  York  Avenue  N.  W. 
Mr.  S.  H.  Kauffmann,  1000  M street  N.  W. 

Mr.  George  Kennan,  Journalist,  Lock  Box  23. 

Mr.  Mark’  B.  Kerr,  U.  S.  Geological  Survey. 

Dr.  A.  F.  A.  King,  Dean  of  the  Nat.  Med.  Col.,  726  13th  street  N.  W. 
' Hon.  John  J.  Knox,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Dr.  William  Lee,  Physician,  21 11  Pennsylvania  Avenue. 

Mr.  Dani^L  Leech,  Smithsonian  Institution. 

Mr.  Joseph  Libbey,  Merchant,  3043  West  street,  Georgetown. 


* 


xvii  r 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


Capt.  E.  P.  Lull,  U.  S.  N.,  Navy  Department. 

Judge  Arthur  MacArthur,  Supreme  Court,  D.  C.,  1201  N street  N.  VV. 
Mr.  Henry  B.  F.  Macfarland,  1727  F street  N.  W. 

Col.  Garrick  Mallery,  U.  S.  A.,  Bureau  of  Ethnology. 

Prof.  Otis  T.  Mason,  U.  S.  National  Museum,  1305  Q street  N.  \V. 

Mr.  J.  J.  McElhone,  Reporter  to  Congress,  1318  Vermont  Avenue. 

Mr.  W J McGee,  U.  S.  Geological  Survey. 

Mr.  J.  D.  McGuire,  Ellicott  City,  Maryland. 

Mr.  Cosmos  Mindeleff,  Bureau  of  Ethnology. 

Mr.  Victor  Mindelfff,  Bureau  of  Ethnology. 

Dr.  James  E.  Morgan,  Physician,  905  E street  N.  W. 

Mr.  John  Murdock,  Smithsonian  Institution. 

Dr.  P.  J.  Murphy,  in  charge  of  Columbia  Hospital. 

Ensign  Albert  Niblack,  U.  S.  N.,  U.  S.  National  Museum. 

Mr.  J.  A.  Norris,  1236  13th  street  N.  W. 

Mr.  Edward  T.  Peters,  1225  F street  N.  W. 

Mr.  Perry  B.  Pierce,  Examiner,  U.  S.  Patent  Office. 

Mr.  J.  C.  Pilling,  Chief  Clerk,  Bureau  of  Ethnology. 

Mr.  Wm.  M.  Poindexter,  807  17th  street. 

Mr.  John  Addison  Porter,  Hillyer  Place. 

Dr.  John  H.  Porter,  2720  M street,  Georgetown. 

Prof.  Samuel  Porter,  National  Deaf-Mute  College. 

Maj.  J.  W.  Powell,  Director  U.  S.  Geological  Survey. 

Dr.  D.  Webster  Prentiss,  Physician,  1224  9th  street  N.  W. 

Mr.  S.  V.  Proudfit,  Interior  Department. 

Lieut.  W.  W.  Reisinger,  U.  S.  N. 

Mr.  John  H.  Renshawe,  U.  S.  Geological  Survey. 

Dr.  Elmer  R.  Reynolds,  U.  S.  Pension  Office. 

Mr.  H.  L.  Reynolds,  Jr.,  Bureau  of  Ethnology. 

Mr.  Wm.  J.  Rhees,  Chief  Clerk  Smithsonian  Institution. 

Prof.  C.  V.  Riley,  Entomologist,  U.  S.  Agricultural  Department. 

Dr.  Lewis  W.  Ritchie,  Physician,  3259  N street  N.  W. 

Mr.  Miles  Rock,  City  of  Guatemala,  Guatemala. 

Mr.  C.  C.  Royce,  Bureau  of  Ethnology,  607  I street  N.  W. 

Mr.  John  Savary,  Assistant,  Library  of  Congress. 

Mr.  Newton  P.  Scudder,  Smithsonian  Institution,  -jf-' 

Col.  Franklin  A.  Seely,  Examiner,  U.  S.  Patent  Office. 

Dr.  R.  W.  Shufeldt,  U.  S.  A.,  Smithsonian  Institution. 

Hon.  W.  B.  Snell,  Justice  Po’ice  Court,  D.  C. 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


XIX 


Mr.  Chas.  W.  Smiley?  Statistician, U.  S.  Fish  Commission. 

Mr.  John  D.  Smith,  U.  S.  Pension  Office. 

Mr.  Thorvald  Solberg,  Anacostia  P.  O. , D.  C. 

Dr.  Z.  T.  Sowers,  Physician,  1324  New  York  Avenue. 

Gen.  Ellis  SpeAr,  Solicitor  of  Patents,  Lock  Box  1. 

Dr.  J.  O.  Stanton,  Physician,  1344  G street  N.  W. 

Mr.  James  Stevenson,  U.  S.  Geological  Survey. 

Rev.  Benjamin  Swallow,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Prof.  William  B.  Taylor,  Smithsonian  Institution. 

Prof.  Cyrus  Thomas,  Bureau  of  Ethnology. 

Mr.  A.  H.  Thompson,  U.  S.  Geological  Survey. 

Mr.  Gilbert  Thompson,  U.  S.  Geological  Survey. 

Dr.  J.  Ford  Thompson,  Surgeon,  1000  Ninth  street  N.  W. 

Dr.  J.  M.  Toner,  Physician,  615  Louisiana  Avenue. 

Mr.  Frederick  W.  True,  Smithsonian.  Institution. 

Mr.  Lucien  M.  Turner,  Smithsonian  Institution. 

Mr.  Lester  F.  Ward,  U.  S.  Geological  Survey. 

Dr.  James  C.  Welling,  Pres’t  of  Columbian  University,  1302  Conn.  Ave. 
Dr.  J.  H.  Yarnall,  3028  P street  N.  W. 

Dr.  H.  C.  Yarrow,  U.  S.  A.,  814  Seventeenth  street  N.  W. 


t 


LIST  OF  PAPERS  READ. 


Page. 

Stone  Mounds  and  Graves  in  Hampshire  county,  W.  Va.  By  L.  A.  Ken- 

GLA.  [Abstract.] i 

An  Osage  Secret  Soqiety.  By  J.  Owen  Dorsey.  [Abstract.] 3 

The  Textile  Fabrics  of  the  Mound-builders.  By  Wm.  H.  Holmes.  [Ab- 
stract.]  7 

The  Census  of  Bengal.  By  James  A.  Blodgett.  [Abstract.] 9 

The  Houses  of  the  Mound-builders.  By  Cyrus  Thomas.  [Abstract.] 13 

The  Cherokees  probably  Mound  builders.  By  Cyrus  Thomas.  [Ab- 
stract. ] 24 

Mind  as  a Social  Factor.  By  Lester  F.  Ward.  [Abstract.] 31 

The  Smithsonian  Anthropological  Collections  for  1883.  By  Albert 

Niblack 38-50 

Discontinuities  in  Nature’s  Method.  By  H.  H.  Bates 51-55 

Recent  Graves  in  Kansas.  By  Alton  H.  Thompson.  [Abstract.] 56 

Elements  of  Modern  Civilization.  By  J.  M.  Gregory 57-64 

Migrations  of  the  Siouan  Tribes.  By  J.  Owen  Dorsey.  [Abstract.] 65 

International  Ethics.  By  E.  M.  Gallaudet.  [Abstract.] 65 

Comparative  frequency  of  certain  eye  diseases  in  the  white  and  the  colored 

race  in  the  United  States.  By  Swan  M.  Burnett.  [Abstract.] 67 

Collection  of  Antiquities  from  Vendome,  Senlis,  and  the  Cave  Dwellings 

of  France.  By  Elmer  R.  Reynolds.  [Abstract.] 67 

Evidences  of  the  Antiquity  of  Man  on  the  site  of  the  City  of  Mexico. 

By  Wm.  H.  Holmes. 68-81 

How  the  Problems  of  American  Anthropology  present  themselves  to  the 

English  Mind.  Address,  by  E.  B.  Tylor 81-95 

Australian  Group  Relations.  By  Alfred  W.  Howitt.  [No  abstract.].  95 

The  Eskimo  of  Baffin  Land.  By  Franz  Boas 95-102 

Seal  Catching  at  Point  Barrow.  By  John  Murdoch 102-108 

Origin  and  Development  of  Form  and  Ornament  in  Ceramic  Art.  By 

Wm.  H.  Holmes.  [Abstract.] 112-115 

On  the  Probable  Nationality  of  the  Mound- Builders.  By  Daniel  G. 

Brinton i 16 

Moral  and  Material  Progress  Contrasted.  By  Lester  F.  Ward 120-136 

Study  of  the  Circular  Rooms  in  Ancient  Pueblos.  By  Victor  Mindeleff. 

[No  abstract.] 137 

Circular  Architecture  Among  the  Ancient  Peruvians.  By  Wm.  H.  Holmes. 

[No  abstract.] 137 

Mythological  Dry  Painting  of  the  Navajos.  By  Washington  Matthews. 

[Abstract.]-. 139,  140 

(XXI) 


XXII 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


Page. 

Medicine  Stones.  By  H.  W.  Henshaw.  [No  abstract.] 142 

Mythological  Painting  of  the  Zunis.  By  James  Stevenson.  [No  ab- 
stract.]   1 43- 1 47 

The  Chiricahua  Apache  “sun  circle.”  By  Albert  S.  Gatschet 144-147 

The  Genesis  of  Inventions.  By  F.  A.  Seely 147-168 

Sinew-backed  Bow  of  the  Eskimo.  By  John  Murdoch 168-171 

The  Cubature  of  the  Skull.  By  Washington  Matthews.  [Ab- 
stract.]   171,  172 

From  Savagery  to  Barbarism.  Annual  Address,  by  J.  W.  Powell,  Presi- 
dent  173-196 


1 


TRANSACTIONS. 


Seventy-Second  Regular  Meeting,  November  6,  1883. 

Colonel  Garrick  Mallery,  President,  in  the  Chair. 

The  Secretary  reported  for  the  Curator  the  . receipt  of  fifty- 
three  gifts  of  publications  since  the  last  meeting  in  May. 

On  motion  of  Col.  Seely,  the  Society  passed  a vote  of  thanks 
to  the  gentlemen  who  had  donated  the  publications  above  referred 
to. 

The  retiring  President,  Major  J.  W.  Powell,  then  read  his  ad- 
dress entitled  “ Human  Evolution.”* 


Seventy-Third  Regular  Meeting,  November  20,  1883. 

Colonel  Garrick  Mallery,  President,  in  the  Chair. 

The  election  of  Dr.  Charles  Warren,  of  the  Bureau  of  Education, 
and  Mr.  S.  H.  Kauffman,,  as  active  members,  was  announced. 

In  the  absence  of  Mr.  L.  A.  Kengla,  his  paper,  entitled  “ Stone 
Mounds  and  Graves  in  Hampshire  County,  West  Virginia,  ”f 
was  read  by  Prof.  O.  T.  Mason. 

abstract. 

The  mounds  or  graves  described  in  this  paper  are  found  on 
the  eastern  side  of  the  South  Branch  Mountain,  Hampshire  Co., 
W.  Va.,  about  one  mile  and  a half  from  the  mouth  of  the  South 
Branch,  on  the  property  of  Charles  French.  This  entire  region 
was  once  held  by  the  Massawomec  Indians,  and  the  locality 
under  consideration  was  the  hunting  ground  of  the  Tamenents. 

* Published  in  Vol.  II,  Transactions  Anthropological  Society,  Washington, 
pp.  176-208. 

j- Published  in  the  Annual  Report  of  the  Smithsonian  Institution  for  1883,  pp. 
868-872. 


2 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


The  graves  or  mounds  were  of  a very  peculiar  construction  remind- 
ing one  of  the  stone  graves  of  Tennessee  and  yet  possessing  some 
specific  characteristics.  The  most  noticeable  feature  is  the  pres- 
ence of  a rude  stone  cist  completely  covered  with  a huge  pile  of 
loose  stones.  In  some  cases  these  piles  were  of  great  extent. 

DISCUSSION. 

Major  Powell  said  that  as  many  were  not  personally  familiar  with 
the  stone  graves  and  mounds  of  the  upper  Mississippi  and  its  many 
great  tributaries,  he  would  remark  that  these  forms  of  receptacles 
for  the  dead  consisted  of  stones  placed  edgewise  so  as  to  form  an 
oblong  space,  the  stones  presenting  an  almost  continuous  shoulder, 
upon  which  was  placed  a stone  slab  as  a cover. 

The  discovery  of  articles  of  modern  manufacture  was  not  of  rare 
occurrence,  and  the  recent  investigation  by  Mr.  Carr,  of  the  Peabody 
Museum  at  Cambridge,  and  the  researches  of  the  Bureau  of  Eth- 
nology combined  to  show  that  the  “ Mound-Builders”  could  not  be 
classed  as  a people  distinct  from  the  historic  Indians  occupying 
those  localities  where  such  remains  are  still  found. 

Prof.  Mason  stated  that  the  paper  just  read  was  useful  for  the 
reason  that  the  subject  pertained  to  a region  comparatively  near  to 
our  city,  which  had  not  yet  been  investigated.  Several  years  ago, 
a party  consisting  of  Dr.  Rau,  Mr.  Reynolds,  and  other  gentlemen 
visited  the  Luray  Cave  for  the  purpose  of  investigation,  and  Mr. 
Reynolds  subsequently  opened  some  stone  graves  near  that  locality. 
These  were  really  cairns. 

Major  Powell  said  that  in  Kentucky  and  elsewhere  stone  graves 
are  found  by  the  hundred.  He  had  opened  great  numbers  of  graves 
in  the  same  mound,  showing  that  people  had  buried  bodies  in 
diverse  ways  and  at  different  times,  the  manner  being  that  stone 
grave  was  added  to  stone  grave  until  scores  were  erected. 

Prof.  Mason  inquired  whether  single  stone  graves  had  been  dis- 
covered over  which  large  heaps  of  stones  had  been  erected,  to  which 
Major  Powell  replied  that  he  had  not,  to  his  recollection,  found 
single  graves  so  covered,  but  where  there  were  several  together, 
many  of  the  western  tribes  are  said  to  cast  stones  upon  the  graves 
of  their  dead;  but  more  definite  information  as  to  their  actual  prac- 
tice was  desirable. 

Prof.  Gore  said  that  during  a recent  visit  to  southwestern  Vir- 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


3 


ginia  he  learned  of  quite  a number  of  mounds,  none  of  which  had 
yet  been  opened,  and  suggesting  that  this  would  present  a good 
field  for  future  investigators.  The  large  number  of  stones  referred 
to  in  the  paper  seemed  a curious  coincidence  with  a discovery  made 
in  New  Mexico,  consisting  of  a large  stone  erected  near  one  of  the 
pueblos  about  which  lie  several  wagon  loads  of  stones,  thrown  there, 
it  is  said,  by  passers  by  for  “good  luck.” 

Dr.  Reynolds  presented  some  facts  referring  to  his  examinations 
in  various  portions  of  the  Potomac  valley,  and  concluded  by  say- 
ing that  at  the  site  of  an  “ancient”  burial  ground  at  Front  Royal,, 
which  had  been  partly  washed  down  by  high  water  at  various  times, 
he  had  found,  among  other  things,  medals,  &c.,  of  perhaps  colo- 
nial times. 

Major  Powell  said  that  while  in  Minnesota  last  summer  he  in- 
quired of  a Sioux  Indian  their  reason  why  they  buried  upon 
scaffolds,  and  was  informed  that  in  ancient  times  the  Sioux  lived 
among  the  lakes  of  Minnesota,  and  buried  their  dead  in  mounds ; 
that  when  they  left  that  country  they  expected  some  time  to  return, 
and  so  buried  their  dead  on  scaffolds,  that  they  might  gather  the 
bones  and  bring  them  back  and  bury  them  in  the  grave  mounds  of 
their  ancesters. 

Prof.  Mason  stated  in  conclusion  that  many  stone  graves  have 
been  found  in  localities  which  do  not  abound  in  stones,  plainly  in- 
dicating that  a strong  motive  caused  them  to  be  brought  from  great 
distances.  Probably  the  people  had  originally  lived  in  a stony 
country,  and  in  new  fields  had  clung  to  old  usages. 

Rev.  J.  Owen  Dorsey  then  read  a paper  entitled  “An  Osage 
Secret  Society,”  which  was  further  illustrated  by  a chart,  enlarged 
from  an  original  pictographic  representation  obtained  from  an  Osage 
Indian. 

abstract. 

The  writer  has  found  traces  of  secret  societies  among  the  Omahas 
and  cognate  tribes  of  the  Siouan  family.  Such  a society  is  still  in 
existence  among  the  Osages.  It  must  not  be  confounded  with  the 
secret  societies  of  the  Indian  doctors.  Each  gens  in  the  Osage 
tribe  has  a place  in  the  order,  the  latter  being  the  depository  of  the 


4 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


mythical  accounts  of  the  origin  of  the  gentes.  It  takes  four  days 
to  relate  the  tradition  of  any  gens,  making  eighty-four  days  needed 
to  hear  all  the  traditions.  The  order  consists  of  seven  degrees  : i. 
Songs  of  the  Giving  of  Life.  2.  Songs  of  the  Bird  (dove).  3. 
Songs  of  the  Sacred  Thing  (bag).  4.  Songs  of  the  Pack-strap.  5. 
Songs  of  the  Round  Rush.  6.  Songs  of  Fasting.  7.  Songs  of  the 
Return  from  the  Fight.  Women  are  admitted  to  the  order  ; but 
none  of  the  younger  people  are  initiated.  Extracts  were  made  from 
the  two  versions  of  the  tradition  of  the  Tsi-shu  wa-shta-ke  or  peace- 
making gens  of  the  left  side  of  the  tribe.  This  tradition  is  entitled 
•‘What  is  told  of  the  old  time  (U-nuN  U-dha-ke).” 

DISCUSSION. 

Major  Powell  thought  it  probable  that  this  society  might  be  for 
the  preparation  of  medicine,  or  for  some  mystic  rite  other  than  the 
perpetuation  of  mythic  history. 

Mr.  Dorsey  replied  that  there  are  other  societies  than  the  above 
mentioned,  entirely  distinct,  and  solely  for  the  preparation  of  medi- 
cine, as  he  had  been  able  to  ascertain.  From  this  society  emanate 
the  directions  to  heads  of  war  parties,  plans  for  erecting  lodges, 
hanging  the  kettles,  and  laying  the  pieces  of  fire-wood ; also  to 
the  makers  of  the  war  drum,  the  stand,  moccasins,  and  war  bows, 
certain  individuals  being  selected  for  each  of  these  duties.  Women 
belong  to  this  society,  and  these  have  two  small  circles  tattooed 
upon  the  forehead,  one  above  the  other.  The  crease  or  parting  of 
the  hair  is  painted  to  represent  the  path  of  the  sun.  In  prayer 
they  face  the  east  at  sunrise,  and  the  west  at  sunset.  The  doors  of 
the  lodges  are  placed  at  the  eastern  side,  and  the  dead  are  buried 
with  their  heads  toward  the  east ; hence  no  one  will*  ever  sleep  with 
his  head  pointing  in  that  direction. 

Major  Powell  then  stated  that  he  had,  during  last  winter,  inves- 
tigated the  organization  of  medicine  societies  among  the  Muskoki. 
According  to  this  tribe  diseases  are  caused  by  mythical  animals, 
such  as  the  bear,  elk,  deer,  owl,  spider,  &c.,  and  for  each  disease 
there  is  a distinct  medicine  society,  the  head  personage  of  which  in- 
itiates each  year  young  men  to  cure  the  various  forms  of  disease  be 
longing  to  his  class.  The  traditions  of  the  mythical  origin  of  each 
disease  is  preserved  by  the  different  chiefs  of  the  medicine  societies. 

The  neophyte  is  instructed  through  four  different  nights,  through 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


O 


four  different  moons,  and  through  four  years  to  instruct  him  in  the 
mythologic  cause  of  disease. 

There  are  certain  medicines  employed  for  the  various  complain ts? 
composed  in  part  of  root  decoctions.  They  are  prepared  by  taking 
one  root  running  from  the  trunk  directly  to  the  north,  one  - to  the 
east,  one  to  the  south,  and  one  to  the  west.  The  preparation  of  the 
medicine  require  ceremonies  which  last  during  four  nights  each,  of 
four  moons,  and  of  four  years  each. 

Mr.  Dorsey  stated  that  part  of  the  Osage  ceremonies  were  strictly 
secret,  though  the  latter  portion  was  public. 

Prof.  Mason  inquired  whether  these  ceremonies  had  in  any  way 
been  influenced  by  contact  with  the  whites,  or  whether  they  were  a 
crystallized  custom.  > 

Mr.  Dorsey  replied  that  he  had  found  recurrences  of  these  cus- 
toms in  other  cognate  tribes,  and  believed  that  this  special  cere- 
mony was  original. 

Prof.  Mason  desired  to  know  of  Mr.  Dorsey  whether  it  was  not 
unusual  to  admit  him  to  the  secret  meetings,  to  which  the  latter 
replied  that  it  was  only  after  the  Indians  had  discovered  that  he 
was  familiar  with  the  ceremonies,  learned  of  the  northern  tribes, 
that  they  imparted  to  him  the  fact.  The  speaker  further  stated  that 
the  recitations  are  also  in  an  archaic  form  of  the  language. 

In  general,  all  the  points  obtained  from  the  Osages  tally  with  the 
information  obtained  from  other  cognate  tribes. 

Major  Powell  said  that  people  on  reservations  may  be  classed  in 
two  divisions,  those  who  are  yet  pagan  and  those  who  profess  the 
Christian  religion,  but  the  latter  take  part  in  ancient  religious  rites. 

The  people  of  Jemez,  although  Catholics,  still  visit  the  mountains 
once  a month  to  perform  their  mystic  rites.  Some  of  the  Iroquois 
also  adhere  to  their  ancient  mystic  ceremonies  and  practise  them  at 
stated  times. 

The  importance  of  a knowledge  of  Indian  languages  is  illustrated 
by  Mr.  Dorsey’s  paper  for  the  collection  of  myths  and  facts  per- 
taining to  secret  ceremonies,  as  is  also  the  knowledge  of  similar 
customs  among  other  tribes  so  as  to  know  the  method  of  approach 
and  extraction. 

Mr.  Dorsey  replied  that  he  usually  gained  the  confidence  of  his 
hearers  by  first  telling  them  the  myths  of  other  tribes. 


6 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


Seventy-Fourth  Regular  Meeting,  December  4,  j883. 

Col.  Garrick  Mallery,  President,  in  the  Chair. 

The  Council,  through  its  Secretary,  reported  the  election  of  Mr. 
Amos  W.  Hart  and  Dr.  Horatio  R.  Bigelow  as  active  members. 

A letter  was  read  from  Mr.  Gatschet  giving  information  with 
respect  • to  investigations  in  the  folk-lore  of  the  southern  Sclavic 
peoples  by  Mr.  Krause,  one  of  the  corresponding  members  of  the 
Society. 

The  death  of  Sven  Nilsson,  of  Lund,  Sweden,  an  honorary  mem- 
ber of  the  Society,  was  announced,  whereupon  the  Secretary  made 
brief  reference  to  the  labors  of  the  deceased. 

Mr.  William  H.  Holmes  then  read  a paper  on  “The  Textile 
Fabrics  of  the  Mound-Builders.”* 

abstract. 

It  was  stated  that  very  few  specimens  of  these  fabrics  are  preserved 
in  our  museums.  They  are  subject  to  rapid  decay  and  as  a rule  fall 
to  pieces  on  exposure  to  the  air. 

Carbonization  and  contact  with  the  salts  of  copper  have  been  the 
most  important  means  of  perservation. 

It  has  occasionally  been  noticed  that  fabrics  of  various  kinds  have 
been  used  in  the  manufacture  of  pottery  and  that  impressions  of 
these  have  often  been  preserved. 

The  writer  conceived  the  idea  of  making  casts  in  clay  of  these 
impressions  and  by  this  means  restored  many  varieties  of  cloth 
heretofore  unknown. 

The  restoration  is  so  complete  that  the  whole  fabric  can,  in  many 
cases,  be  analyzed. 

It  has  been  made  of  twisted  cord  and  is  seldom  finer  in  texture 
than  common  coffee  sacking. 

The  fibre  used  has  probably  been  obtained  from  bark,  weeds,  and 
grasses. 


* Published  in  the  Third  Annual  Report  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology  with  title 
“ Prehistoric  Textile  Fabrics  of  the  United  States  derived  from  impressions  in 
Pottery.” 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


7 


The  meshes  are  usually  quite  open,  knotting  and  other  methods 
of  fixing  the  threads  and  spaces  having  been  resorted  to. 

The  combinations  of  threads  are  much  varied  and  are  of  such  a 
character  as  to  make  it  quite  certain  that  the  weaving  was  done  by 
hand,  the  threads  of  the  web  and  woof  being  attached  to  or  wound 
about  pins  fixed  in  a frame  or  upon  the  ground. 

Specimens  of  the  pottery  and  casts  therefrom  were  shown  and 
black  board  analyses  of  the  fabrics  were  given. 

DISCUSSION. 

Prof.  Mason  inquired  of  Mr.  Holmes  whether  he  gave  technical 
names  to  the  various  forms,  to  which  Mr.  Holmes  replied  that  he 
found  that  impossible. 

Major  Powell  said  the  paper  that  had  just  been  read  by  Mr. 
Holmes  is  of  exceeding  interest  to  all  students  of  North  American 
archaeology;  first,  from  the  fact  that  his  methods  of  research  are 
unique;  and,  second,  that  the  results  of  his  investigations  throw  much 
light  upon  the  status  of  culture  reached  by  the  people  who  con- 
structed the  mounds  and  other  burial  places  found  so  widely  dis- 
tributed thoughout  the  eastern  portion  of  the  United  States.  The 
research  sheds  light  both  upon  the  textile  and  ceramic  arts  of  these 
people,  and  in  both  departments  they  are  shown  to  have  been  in  no 
respect  superior  to  the  Indian  tribes  first  discovered  on  the  advent 
of  the  white  man  to  this  continent. 

It  is  interesting  to  notice,  in  this  connection,  that  the  early  publi- 
cations in  relation  to  the  mounds  and  mound-builders  of  the  valley 
of  the  Mississippi  represent  these  people  as  having  passed  into  a 
much  higher  culture  than  the  North  American  Indians  at  large, 
and  much  has  been  written  concerning  a civilized  people  inhabit- 
ing this  country  anterior  to  its  occupation  by  the  Indians.  In 
the  light  of  the  research  which  has  been  prosecuted  during  the  past 
years  in  various  quarters  and  by  various  persons,  the  manufactured 
evidence  of  the  existence  of  such  a people  is  rapidly  vanishing,  and 
this  from  many  points  of  study.  It  is  shown  by  a careful  examina- 
tion of  the  early  travels  in  this  country,  and  accounts  of  missionaries 
and  various  historic  records,  that  some  of  the  early  tribes  discovered 
were  themselves  mound-builders.  This  is  clearly  shown  in  the  late 
publication  of  Mr.  Lucien  Carr,  Peabody  Museum,  and  by  the  re- 
searches of  Professor  Thomas,  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology.  The 


8 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


researches  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology  also  show  that  many  of  these 
mounds  were  constructed  after  the  arrival  of  the  white  man  on  this 
continent,  as  works  of  art  in  iron,  silver,  rolled  copper,  &c.,  are 
found.  Glass  beads  are  also  found,  and  many  other  articles  mani- 
festly manufactured  during  the  last  few  centuries,  these  usually  be- 
ing such  articles  as  are  exchanged  by  traders  to  the  Indians  for  their 
peltries. 

Mr.  Henshaw,  also  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology,  has  made  an  in- 
teresting investigation  of  a subject  which  throws  light  upon  this  ques- 
tion. The  early  writers  claimed  that  the  stone  carvings  found  in 
the  mounds  were  often  representations  of  birds,  mammals,  and  other 
animals  not  now  existing  in  the  regions  where  these  mounds  were 
found,  and  that  the  mound-builders  were  thus  shown  to  be  familiar 
with  the  fauna  of  a tropical  country.  And  they  have  even  gone  so 
far  as  to  claim  that  they  were  familiar  with  the  fauna  of  Asia,  as  it 
has  been  claimed  that  elephant  carvings  have  been  found.  Now 
these  carvings  have  all  been  carefully  studied  by  Mr.  Henshaw,  and  he 
discovers  that  it  is  only  by  the  wildest  imagination  that  they  can  be 
supposed  to  represent  extra-limital  animals ; that,  in  fact,  they  are  all 
rude  carvings  of  birds,  such  as  eagles  and  hawks,  or  of  mammals, 
such  as  beavers  and  otters ; and  he  has  made  new  drawings  of  these 
various  carvings,  and  will,  in  a publication  which  has  gone  to  press, 
present  them,  together  with  the  drawings  originally  published ; . and 
he  makes  a thorough  discussion  of  the  subject,  being  qualified 
thereto  from  the  fact  that  he  is  himself  a trained  naturalist,  familiar 
with  these  various  forms  by  many  years  of  field  study. 

It  will  thus  be  seen  that  many  lines  of  research  are  converging 
in  the  conclusion  that  the  mound-builders  of  this  country  were, 
at  least  to  a large  extent,  the  Indian  tribes  found  inhabiting  this 
country  on  the  advent  of  the  white  man,  and  that  in  none  of  the 
mounds  do  we  discover  works  of  art  in  any  way  superior  to  those  of 
the  North  American  Indians. 

I congratulate  Mr.  Holmes  upon  the  skill  with  which  he  has 
prosecuted  this  work,  and  thank  him  for  the  clear  exposition  which 
he  has  given  us  this  evening. 

Prof.  Mason  stated  that  from  the  organization  of  the  Society  he 
' had  been  more  and  more  confirmed  in  the  idea  that  the  only  way 
in  which  the  truths  of  anthropology  could  be  brought  out  was  by 
specialists,  artists,  physicians,  patent  examiners,  etc.  The  paper 
just  read  is  an  excellent  illustration  of  this  opinion. 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


9 


Col.  Seely  expressed  his  interest  in  the  illustrations  given  by 
Mr.  Holmes  of  research  into  the  state  of  an  art  of  which  none  of 
the  products  exist.  Though  absolutely  extinct  their  vestiges  remain 
in  other  arts ; and  to  those  able  to  read  the  record  written  in  these 
vestiges  they  reveal  facts  as  interesting  as  they  are  well  ascertained. 
It  takes  the  trained  eye  and  skillful  hand  of  an  artist,  supplemented 
by  technical  knowledge,  to  unravel  these  records.  Without  inti- 
mate acquaintance  with  the  textile  art  and  the  structure  of  different 
fabrics,  the  impressions  found  by  Mr.  Holmes  were  hopelessly  illeg- 
ible. This  indicates  the  true  method  of  research  into  primitive 
arts,  and  there  should  be  more  of  it. 

Mr.  James  A.  Blodgett,  Special  Agent  of  the  U.  S.  Census, 
read  a paper  on  “ The  Census  of  Bengal.” 

abstract. 

The  first  attempt  at  a general  census  of  British  India  was  in  1871-2 
and  showed  the  population  to  be  about  238,000,000. 

The  report  for  the  census  of  Bengal  in  1881  has  been  lately  re- 
ceived in  this  country.  It  includes  the  northeast  part  of  India  north 
of  the  20th  parallel  of  latitude  and  west  nearly  to  Benares.  Here 
in  an  area  of  less  than  200,000  square  miles,  a little  above  the  joint 
area  of  Ohio,  Indiana,  Illinois,  and  Iowa,  is  concentrated  a popu- 
lation of  some  70,000,000  or  two-fifths  greater  than  that  of  the 
whole  United  States. 

The  authorities  took  no  account  of  resources  or  of  any  but  per- 
sonal items.  The  preliminary  arrangements  were  so  completely  ad- 
justed as  to  take  on  a single  night  not  only  the  fixed  population 
but  generally  all  travelers  and  all  vagrants. 

Almost  two-thirds  of  the  people  are  Hindoos,  nearly  one-third 
Mohammedans,  about  158,000  Buddhists,  and  128,000  Christians. 
The  enumerated  members  of  the  Brahmo  Somaj,  the  reform  sect 
represented  by  the  learned  Hindoo  who  spoke  in  Washington  a 
few  weeks  ago,  were  under  1,000,  chiefly  in  the  city  of  Calcutta. 

Child  marrriages  prevail  to  a considerable  extent,  the  ceremony  in 
a considerable  per  cent,  of  cases  occurring  before  the  tenth  year  of 
age.  Although  the  parties  may  not  at  once  live  together,  the  death 
of  one  after  the  ceremony  leaves  the  other  legally  widowed. 
Hindoo  widowers  marry  again,  but  Hindoo  widows  do  not.  The 
ratio  of  child  marriage  is  lowest  among  the  Buddhists. 


10 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


There  are  65  castes  reported  of  100,000  or  more  each,  and  265 
lesser  castes  or  tribes.  Hindooism  gradually  absorbs  the  aboriginal 
tribes,  and  occupations  mark  castes  something  like  guilds  in  west- 
ern countries,  so  that  caste  mingles  questions  of  religion,  race,  and 
occupation. 

About  twenty  languages  are  spoken.  Over  half  the  people  speak 
Bengali  as  their  mother  tongue,  over  one-third  speak  Hindoostani, 
and  only  about  36,000  speak  English  as  their  mother  tongue. 

Education  is  low.  The  Hindoos  are  best  educated  of  the  great 
classes.  In  Calcutta  the  education  of  boys  compares  favorably  with 
that  in  some  western  cities.  The  education  of  girls  is  scarcely 
secured  at  all,  except  among  the  Christians. 

Admirable  maps  and  diagrams  aid  the  presentation  of  the  facts 
in  the  census. 

The  digest  of  the  census  of  Bombay  has  also  been  received  here 
without  the  fullness  of  discussion  or  the  maps  of  the  Bengal  report. 
The  general  relations  of  population  and  of  customs  are  much  the 
same  as  in  Bengal.  A new  series  of  languages  occurs,  however, 
and  830  castes  are  reported,  some  of  which  are  essentially  identical 
with  some  of  the  Bengal  castes,  but  many  castes  are  intensely  local 
in  India. 

The  reports  do  not  follow  a uniform  spelling  in  anglicizing  even 
so  common  words  as  Hindustani,  Mahomedan,  and  Brahman. 

DISCUSSION. 

Major  Powell  said : I have  been  much  interested  in  the  paper 
read  by  our  fellow-member,  Mr.  Blodgett,  as  a simple  and  lucid 
presentation  of  the  more  important  facts  presented  in  the  Bengal 
census.  One  line  of  facts  is  of  especial  interest  to  me — namely, 
that  relating  to  the  census  of  the  castes  of  Bengal. 

Two  great  plans  for  the  organization  of  mankind  into  states,  as 
tribes  and  nations,  are  known : Tribal  states  are  organized  on  the 
basis  of  kinship;  national  states,  on  the  basis  of  property,  which  in  its 
last  form  appears  as  territorial  organization.  Yet  from  time  to  time 
there  spring  up  incipient  methods  of  organization  of  another  class. 
Men  are  interrelated  in  respect  to  their  wants,  and  ultimately  or- 
ganized thereby  through  the  organization  of  industries  or  callings — 
that  is,  organized  on  an  operative  basis  through  the  division  of  labor. 
This  method  of  organization  appears  in  many  ways,  and  in  one  form 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


11 


its  ultimate  outgrowth  results  in  the  organization  of  aristocracies  in 
various  grades,  with  subordinate  classes,  as  serfs  and  slaves.  Again 
it  appears  in  the  organization  of  guilds.  This  form  of  organization 
was  well  represented  not  many  generations  ago  in  England,  and 
relics  of  it  still  exist  among  the  English  people.  It  appears  again 
in  another  form  in  India  by  the  differentiation  of  people  into  castes, 
each  caste  having  a distinct  calling  or  group  of  callings. 

In  my  studies  of  sociology  it  has  often  been  a matter  of  surprise 
to  me  that  the  state  has  not  oftener  and  to  a larger  extent  been 
based  upon  an  organization  dependent  upon  callings,  trades,  or 
occupations — that  is,  that  the  state  has  not  oftener  been  organized 
upon  an  operative  or  industrial  basis.  But  when  we  accumulate  the 
facts  of  history  relating  to  castes,  classes,  guilds,  &c.,  it  appears 
that  the  method  has  been  tried  in  many  ways  and  it  has  never  suc- 
ceeded in  securing  justice  to  that  extent  as  to  commend  its  adoption. 

A caste  may  be  briefly  described  as  a body  of  men  constituting 
a unit  or  integral  part  in  the  state,  and  such  a body  of  men  are  or- 
ganized upon  the  basis  of  the  industries  or  callings  which  they  pur- 
sue. Around  this  organization  are  centered  many  other  institutional 
characteristics.  Marriage  within  the  group  is  prescribed,  marriage 
without  the  group  prohibited ; and  many  religious  sanctions  grow 
up  around  these  institutions,  and  many  social  barriers  to  prevent 
escape  from  the  body  and  entrance  into  another. 

Much  has  been  written  about  these  castes  of  India,  sometimes 
from  the  standpoint  of  religion,  sometimes  from  the  standpoint  of 
conquest,  and  sometimes  from  the  standpoint  of  McClennan,  erro- 
neous theories  relating  to  exogamy  and  endogamy,  names  which  he 
gave  to  correlative  parts  of  the  marriage  institution  found  among 
most  of  the  tribes  of  the  world  who  are  organized  upon  a kinship 
basis.  It  is  true  that  the  institution  of  caste  exhibited  in  India  may 
be  profitably  studied  from  each  of  these  standpoints,  but  the  essential 
characteristic  of  caste  organization  is  this : That  the  people  are 

thereby  organized  upon  an  operative  basis,  about  which  religious 
and  social  sanctions  are  gradually  accumulated  ; that  such  an  or- 
ganization is  in  part  the  result  of  internal  agencies  arising  from  the 
differentiation  of  industries,  or  division  of  labor,  as  it  is  called  in 
political  economy,  and  in  part  by  conquest,  as  the  conquerors 
usually  engage  in  those  vocations  deemed  most  honorable,  and 
compel  the  conquered  to  engage  in  those  considered  least  honorable. 
By  such  methods,  i.  e.,  the  division  of  labor  through  the  inherit- 


12 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


ance  of  callings  from  family  to  family,  and  through  the  further  di- 
vision, through  the  selection  of  callings  of  conquerors  and  the  im- 
position of  others  upon  the  conquered,  castes  are  primarily  estab- 
lished. In  the  process  of  this  establishment,  and  subsequently, 
moral  and  social  sanctions  gather  about  these  institutions,  and  castes 
are  firmly  established  only  to  be  overthrown  by  great  social  convul- 
sions, or,  and  chiefly,  by  the  march  of  civilization  and  the  concom- 
itant establishment  of  justice  and  those  institutions  designed  to  se- 
cure justice.  * 

All  light  thrown  upon  the  institution  of  caste  in  India  must  be  wel- 
comed by  every  scientific  student  of  sociology,  and  this  census  of 
Bengal,  as  set  forth  by  Mr.  Blodgett,  is  a valuable  contribution  to 
this  subject. 

Dr.  Johnson  inquired  as  to  the  effects  of  these  early  marriages 
upon  the  offspring;  whether  the  children  were  well  developed  or 
deformed ; the  effects  upon  health  of  the  crowding  of  many  indi- 
viduals ; whether  syphilis  prevailed  and  its  general  effects. 

Mr.  Blodgett  replied  that  the  census  officials  were  extremely 
careful  not  to  push  questions  that  might  stir  into  opposition  the 
prejudices  of  the  people.  Great  difficulty  arose  as  to  the  question 
of  early  cohabitation  from  the  delicacy  of  the  question  and  the  great 
variance  of  English  and  other  European  customs  ; but  as  the  legal 
ceremony  took  place  at  betrothal,  betrothal  became  the  point  at 
which  to  count  marriage. 

Cohabitation  was  probably  at  an  earlier  average  than  among 
western  nations,  but  statistics  do  not,  in  this  census,  help  us  beyond 
the  general  knowledge  obtained  by  observant  individuals. 

There  seems  to  be  a high  vitality  up  to  advanced  maturity ; but 
after,  say,  forty-five  years  of  age,  the  vitality  seems  to  be  in  favor 
of  the  European. 

No  statistics  are  recorded  on  syphilis.  The  vital  statistics  have 
considerable  value,  however,  indicating  the  predominance  of  pes- 
tilential diseases  in  districts  badly  drained,  overcrowded,  or  with 
other  adverse  sanitary  conditions,  and  special  inquiry  was  made  as 
to  leprosy. 

As  to  guilds  and  castes,  a trace  of  such  tendency  may  be  seen  in 
the  perpetuation  as  a civil  corporation  in  the  city  of  London  of 
more  than  one  society  originally  founded  on  the  occupation  of  its 
members,  and  now  retaining  privileges  then  granted,  although  no 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


13 


longer  constituted  of  persons  following  the  employment  for  which 
they  were  founded. 

Dr.  Fletcher  said  he  inferred  from  Mr.  Blodgett’s  remarks  that 
cohabitation  does  not  follow  betrothal,  and  added  that  it  is  con- 
sidered a disgrace  if  a child  is  not  betrothed  when  she  arrives  at 
menstruation. 

Prof.  Mason  referred  to  similar  kinds  of  legislation  in  this  country, 
prohibiting  marriage,  especially  the  laws,  in  many  states,  against 
miscegenation.  He  also  said  that  caste  originated  at  a time  when 
the  conquering  Aryans  were  in  a great  minority,  and  to  preserve  the 
purity  of  their  stock  they  made  stringent  laws  against  intermarriages. 
The  laws  of  Menu  prohibit  intermarriages. 

The  President  informed  the  members  that  the  2d  volume  of  the 
Transactions  was  now  ready  for  distribution,  and  copies  could  be 
obtained  by  calling  upon  the  Secretary,  at  the  May  Building,  7th 
and  E streets  N.  W. 


Seventy-Fifth  Regular  Meeting,  December  19,  1883. 

President  Col.  Garrick  Mallery  in  the  Chair. 

The  Council  reported,  through  its  Secretary,  the  election  of  Mr. 
Perry  B.  Pierce,  of  the  U.  S.  Patent  Office,  as  an  active  member. 

The  Secretary  of  the  Council  read  a letter  from  Mr.  Wilson,  U. 
S.  Consul  at  Nantes,  France,  relating  to  his  antiquarian  researches 
in  that  country. 

Prof.  Cyrus  Thomas  then  read  a paper  entitled  “The  Houses  of 
the  Mound-Builders,”*- illustrated  by  diagrams  and  specimens  of 
clay  plastering. 

ABSTRACT. 

Prof.  Thomas  commenced  by  saying  that  while  the  ruins  in  Cen- 
tral America  furnished  abundant  materials  for  judging  the  architect- 
ural skill  of  the  ancient  people  of  that  'region,  no  such  opportunity 
was  offered  in  regard  to  the  mound-builders,  all  their  buildings 
having  crumbled  to  dust.  Still  we  are  not  left  wholly  in  the  dark 
in  regard  to  them.  He  then  went  on  to  show  that  they  must  have 


* Published  in  Magazine  of  Am.  History,  1884,  110-116. 


14 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


been  of  perishable  materials,  and  that  the  little  circular  depressions 
from  fifteen  to  fifty  feet  in  diameter  surrounded  by  earthen  rings 
are  the  sites  of  ancient  dwellings.  From  the  fact  that  the  hearth 
is  found  in  the  center  he  inferred  that  they  were  much  like  the 
conical  wigwams  of  the  modern  Indians.  Remains  of  this  kind 
are  common  in  middle  and  west  Tennessee  and  in  southeastern 
Missouri. 

Farther  south,  during  the  explorations  carried  on  under  the 
Bureau  of  Ethnology,  there  have  been  found  in  many  of  the  mounds 
layers  of  burnt  clay  broken  up  into  fragments.  From  numerous 
facts  ascertained  m regard  to  these  remains,  which  cannot  be  given 
in  this  abstract,  and  the  descriptions  given  by  early  explorers  of 
the  houses  of  the  Indians  of  this  section,  he  argued  that  these  were 
the  remains  of  the  houses  of  the  mound-builders. 

DISCUSSION. 

Mr.  Jas.  H.  Blodgett  said  : I hope  Prof.  Thomas  will  heed  the 
suggestion  of  Mr.  Carr,  whose  recent  work  was  referred  to,  and  not 
suppress  part  of  his  own  work  because  Mr.  Carr  has  anticipated  him 
in  his  statements.  The  public  has  become  so  thoroughly  trained 
into  the  idea  of  a mysterious  lost  race  of  mound-builders  that  it 
will  be  necessary  for  every  one  who  knows  of  facts  indicating  the 
contrary  to  state  them  on  all  proper  occasions.  Lately  seeing  a 
reference  to  the  mysterious  lost  mound-builders  in  the  manuscript 
of  a prominent  writer,  I suggested  to  him  that  it  might  expose 
him  to  criticism,  and  referred  him  to  one  or  two  eminent  names  that 
endorsed  the  view  that  our  red  Indians  were  competent  to  do  like 
work.  My  suggestion  was  the  first  information  received  in  this 
author’s  office  that  any  such  view  was  seriously  held  and  I was  re- 
ferred to  an  article  in  a standard  Cyclopeaedia  some  years  old  to  in- 
form myself  as  to  the  true  view.  I trust  Dr.  Thomas  will  add  his 
testimony  in  its  due  place. 

Prof.  Mason  said  he  had  always  wished  to  see  this  subject  dis- 
cussed by  gentlemen  who  had  had  as  much  experience  in  the  matter 
as  Major  Powell  and  Prof.  Thomas.  It  seems  that  doubts  are 
thickening  more  rapidly  than  the  proofs  are  forthcoming.  In  his 
own  mind  he  had  no  doubts  upon  the  subject,  but  took  this  antago- 
nistic stand  for  the  purpose  of  drawing  out  such  facts  to  enlighten 
others  who  were  adherents  of  the  belief  that  the  mound-builders 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


15 


were  a distinct  race,  and  one  of  greater  antiquity  than  is  now  known 
to  be  the  case. 

Major  Powell  said  the  paper  by  Prof.  Thomas  is  a valuable  con- 
tribution to  our  knowledge  of  the  North  American  Indians.  It 
opportunely  falls  in  with  the  present  lines  of  research  in  two  dis- 
tinct ways  : First,  as  identifying  the  mound-builders  with  various 
tribes  found  on  the  discovery  of  this  country ; second,  as  an  addi- 
tion to  our  knowledge  of  the  dwellings  of  the  ancient  inhabitants 
of  this  country. 

At  our  last  meeting  we  had  an  interesting  paper  from  Mr.  Holmes, 
who,  from  his  studies,  concluded  that  the  mound-builders  were 
no  other  than  the  Indians  inhabiting  the  country.  Last  year  we 
had  a paper  from  Mr.  Henshaw  arriving  at  the  same  conclusion 
from  the  facts  discovered  in  another  field  of  research.  And  now 
Prof.  Thomas  finds  that  some  of  the  earth-works  of  this  country 
are  domiciliary  mounds,  as  suggested  long  ago  by  Lewis  H.  Morgan, 
who  was  the  great  pioneer  of  anthropologic  research  in  America ; 
and,  further,  that  the  houses  found  in  ruins  on  the  mounds  are  such 
as  were  built  by  the  Indians,  as  recorded  in  the  early  history  of  the 
settlement  of  this  country. 

Thus  it  is  that  from  every  hand  we  reach  the  conclusion  that  the 
Indians  of  North  America,  discovered  at  the  advent  of  the  white 
man  to  this  continent,  were  mound-builders,  and  gradually  the  exag- 
gerated accounts  of  the  state  of  arts  represented  by  the  relics  dis- 
covered in  these  mounds  are  being  dissipated,  and  the  ancient 
civilization  which  has  hitherto  been  supposed  to  be  represented  by 
the  mounds  is  disappearing  in  the  light  of  modern  investigation. 

But  Professor  Thomas’  paper  is  valuable  from  the  fact  that  it 
gives  us  a clearer  insight  into  the  character  of  the  habitations  of 
these  people.  The  Indians  of  North  America  made  their  dwellings 
in  various  forms  and  of  various  materials.  The  rudest  dwellings 
found  in  the  country  are  those  made  by  some  of  the  Indians  of 
Utah  and  Nevada  of  the  great  Shoshonian  family.  These  are 
simple  shelters  made  of  banks  of  brush  and  bark,  especially  the 
bark  of  the  cedar,  piled  up  so  as  to  include  a circular  space,  but 
open  toward  a fire.  Boughs  near  the  summit  of  the  bark  project 
over  a portion  of  this  space,  and  bark  and  boughs  are  piled  indis- 
criminately on  all.  Such  a shelter  is  good  protection  against  wind, 
and,  to  some  degree,  against  snow  and  rain.  But  these  same  people 
occasionally  build  larger  habitations  with  small  posts  and  cross- 


16 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


pieces,  upon  which  wattles  of  willow  withes  are  made,  and  the  whole 
is  covered  with  willows.  I have  known  such  a communal  house 
to  be  built  large  enough  to  accommodate  from  seventy-five  to  one 
hundred  and  twenty-five  persons — all  the  members  of  a little  tribe — 
while  at  other  times  the  same  tribes  have  been  found  occupying  the 
rude  dwellings  above  mentioned.  Nor  have  I been  able  to  discover 
their  reasons  for  changing  from  one  to  the  other.  This  has  been 
observed : that  the  communal  houses  are  but  rarely  used. 

Many  of  the  Indians  of  California  build  houses  made  of  wind- 
riven  slabs  and  poles  inclined  against  a central  ridge-pole  and  banked 
with  earth,  sometimes  but  part  way  up  the  sides  of  the  inclined  pole, 
sometimes  quite  over  the  top.  At  one  end  of  such  a dwelling  an 
aperture  is  left  for  the  escape  of  smoke.  The  Navajos  often  build 
similar  lodges,  except  that  they  are  conical  in  shape  and  have  a 
peculiar  entrance — a kind  of  booth  like  a porte  cochere.  In  the 
eastern  portion  of  the  United  States,  as  among  the  Iroquois,  large 
oblong  house  were  made  of  poles  and  slabs.  Many  of  these  houses 
were  communal.  Around  Pyramid  Lake  and  in  many  other  por- 
tions of  the  country  their  dwellings  were  made  of  reeds,  called  in 
the  West  tules.  Sometimes  these  houses  were  made  somewhat 
symmetrically  of  poles,  into  which  the  tules  were  woven  as  a kind 
of  wattle.  At  other  times  they  made  fascines  of  the  reeds  and  used 
them  in  the  construction  of  their  houses,  and  I have  had  described 
to  me  houses  made  of  fascines  and  wattled  tules  on  the  shores  of 
Pyramid  Lake  and  other  lakes  of  the  West,  and  ofttimes  built  out 
over  the  water.  In  a large  portion  of  the  United  States  the  climate 
is  arid,  and  naked  sandstone  rocks  appear  in  great  abundance, 
while  forests  are  very  rare.  In  all  of  these  regions  the  Indians  built 
of  stone.  Sometimes  they  walled  up  the  front  of  a cave,  or  built  a 
house  under  an  overhanging  cliff,  using  the  wall  of  rock  behind  as 
a part  of  the  dwelling.  Sometimes,  where  rocks  were  friable,  they 
excavated  chambers  in  the  sides  of  the  cliffs.  The  cliff  dwellings 
and  cavate  dwellings  are  found  in  great  abundance  in  New  Mexico, 
Arizona,  and  some  portions  of  Utah.  Other  dwellings  have  been 
discovered  in  certain  hills  of  Arizona  that  are  natural  truncated 
cones.  In  such  a case  the  summit  of  the  hill  is  a volcanic  breccia, 
exceedingly  friable,  through  which  shafts  were  sunk  into  a more 
friable  breccia  below.  In  this  more  -friable  rock  extensive  cham- 
bers were  excavated,  and  the  entrance  to  these  chambers  was 
through  a shaft  from  above  by  means  of  a -ladder.  With  the 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


17 


extensive  pueblos  of  that  region  you  are  all  quite  familar.  To 
a very  large  extent  it  is  observed  that  the  arrangement  of  dwellings 
in  a village  is  significant.  In  very  many  cases  they  are  arranged 
by  clans  and  phratries.  When  such  an  arrangement  does  not  exist 
there  is  usually  some  other  device  taking  its  place.  For  example, 
among  Muskokis,  or  Creeks,  near  the  centre  of  the  village,  there  is 
a square  laid  out  in  a very  systematic  manner  with  seats,  or  rather 
spaces  for  sitting,  on  the  ground  relegated  in  a particular  manner 
to  phratries  and  clans,  so  that  the  tribe  was  arranged,  in  the  coun- 
cil held  from  time  to  time  in  the  square,  in  a systematic  order. 
Usually  over  these  sitting  places  booths  were  erected,  and  the  posts 
that  upheld  the  booths  marked  in  a more  specific  way  the  seats  of 
the  officers  of  the  village.  In  connection  with  these  council  squares 
a very  interesting  council  lodge  has  been  discovered.  The  booths 
of  the  square  did  not  furnish  ample  protection  at  all  seasons  of  the 
year,  and  in  order  to  meet  their  wants  on  such  occasions  a huge 
conical  lodge  was  constructed  of  the  tall  trees  of  that  country. 
Slender  trees  50  or  60  feet  in  height  were  cut  down,  trimmed,  and 
inclined  against  a central,  standing  tree.  Thus  a huge  conical 
lodge,  50  feet  or  more  in  height,  was  constructed,  under  which  the 
whole  village  could  take  shelter.  Under  this  they  gathered  in  in- 
clement weather  to  conduct  their  dances.  And  just  here  it  should 
be  remarked  that  the  Creek  Indians  have  yet  a tradition  of  a time 
when  they  built  their  houses  with  wattled  walls,  the  interiors  of 
which  were  plastered — exactly  such  houses  as  have  been  described 
by  Prof.  Thomas. 

The  subject  of  house-building  among  the  North  American  Indians 
is  one  of  very  great  interest,  as  the  various  tribes  exhibited  much 
skill  in  utilizing  the  materials  at  hand,  whatever  they  might  be — 
bark,  poles,  slabs,  tules,  skins  of  animals,  stone,  etc. 

Prof.  Mason  further  stated  that  he  had  handled  thousands  of 
Indian  weapons,  utensils,  &c. , and  found  that  many  objects  occurred 
in  the  mounds  for  which  no  particular  use  could  be  now  assigned. 

Major  Powell  replied  that  it  was  very  doubtful,  at  this  time,  if 
anything  existed  that  could  not  be  explained  through  the  survival 
of  similar  articles  now  in  use  among  some  of  the  more  isolated  tribes 
of  Indians. 

Prof.  Scudder  referred  to  and  reviewed  some  of  Prof.  Putnam’s 
investigations  and  discoveries  at  Madison ville,  and  referred  specially 


2 


18 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


to  the  exhumation  of  figurines,  pearls,  meteoric  iron,  and  rude  plating 
of  hammered  silver. 

Prof.  Thomas,  in  reply  to  Prof.  Scudder’s  statement  of  what  had 
recently  been  found  by  Prof.  Putnam  in  certain  Ohio  mounds,  stated 
that  all  of  the  types  mentioned,  except  one,  had  been  obtained  by 
the  assistants  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology. 

Major  Powell  said : The  discussion  this  evening  has  brought  out 
many  interesting  facts  relating  to  the  early  inhabitants  of  this 
country,  especially  to  the  dwellings  which  they  occupied  and  to  the 
antiquity  of  the  ruins  which  have  been  discovered. 

In  1856  or  *7  I was  making  exploration  of  mounds  on  the  shore 
of  Peoria  Lake,  in  Illinois,  and  I discovered  in  a mound  a copper 
plate — a thin  sheet  of  copper,  cut  in  the  form  to  represent  an  eagle. 
At  the  time  I supposed  it  gave  evidence  of  the  superior  civilization 
of  the  mound-builders.  ’ Some  months  after,  in  more  carefully  ex- 
amining this  thin  copper  plate,  I discovered  that  it  had  been  rolled 
and  cut  by  machinery*  and  this  led  me  to  believe  that  it  was  not  the 
manufacture  of  Indians,  but  that  it  was  probably  manufactured  by 
white  men.  If  the  supposition  were  true  it  is  manifest  that  the 
mound  had  been  erected  subsequent  to  the  association  of  these  In- 
dians with  white  people.  This  was  the  first  suggestion  to  my  mind 
that  the  age  of  the  mounds  had  been  misinterpreted,  and  that  the 
general  conclusion  that  the  mound-builders  were  not  tribes  found 
in  this  country  on  its  discovery  was  erroneous.  Since  that  time  one 
line  of  evidence  after  another  has  led  to  the  same  conclusion.  Some 
years  ago  I published  this  conclusion  in  general  terms,  and  every 
year  it  is  strengthened,  and  it  may  be  fairly  said  at  the  present  time 
that  it  rests  on  a sound  inductive  basis. 

But  this  conclusion  does  not  overthrow  the  belief  that  many  of  the 
mounds  are  of  great  antiquity.  Domiciliary  mounds,  burial  mounds, 
and  mounds  for  many  other  purposes  are  discovered  everywhere 
throughout  North  America  in  vast  numbers,  and  doubtless  the  in- 
ception of  mound-building  dates  far  back  in  remote  antiquity.  The 
numbers  of  the  mounds  themselves  testify  to  this  conclusion,  and  the 
conditions  under  which  many  of  them  are  found  lead  to  the  same 
opinion.  To  account  for  the  great  numbers  of  the  mounds  it  is 
not  necessary,  but  is  in  fact  illogical,  to  assume  a dense  population. 
Length  of  time  will  give  the  same  result ; and  I think  it  has  been 
clearly  shown  that  the  number  of  Indians  inhabiting  the  country  at 
the  time  of  its  discovery  by  Europeans  has  been  by  many  writers 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


19 


enormously  exaggerated.  It  is  probable  that  at  the  present  time  the 
number  of  Indians  in  the  country  does  not  equal  that  of  the  time 
of  the  landing  of  Columbus.  On  the  other  hand,  the  disparity 
between  the  numbers  of  the  two  periods  is  not  great. 

But  here  I must  be  permitted  to  remark  that  ofttimes  the  evidence 
adduced  to  prove  the  antiquity  of  the  ancient  works  discovered 
throughout  the  country  is  unsound.  There  is  abundant  evidence 
of  antiquity — good  geologic  evidence.  Stone  implements  are  found 
in  geologic  formations  to  such  an  extent  as  to  leave  no  doubt  that 
this  continent  was  inhabited  by  man  in  early  quaternary  time ; but 
sound  evidence  must  be  clearly  discriminated  from  much  of  the 
evidence  which  is  adduced.  Travelers  and  scholars  sometimes  talk 
very  loosely  on  this  subject.  Let  me  illustrate  this. 

In  the  southwestern  portion  of  the  United  States  we  discover  in 
vast  numbers  the  ruins  of  ancient  stone  villages.  Often  these  ruins 
are  found  at  sites  where  water  is  not  now  accessible,  and  hence  it 
has  been  averred  again  and  again  that  all  this  arid  portion  of  the 
United  States  was  at  some  early  period  densely  inhabited,  and  that 
the  country  has  been  depopulated  by  increasing  aridity.  And  this 
secular  change  of  climate  has  been  adduced  as  evidence  of  the  great 
antiquity  of  these  works. 

In  1870  I discovered  ruins  on  the  Kanab  Creek  in  Utah  and 
some  of  its  tributaries  elsewhere  in  Utah  and  Arizona,  away  from 
the  neighborhood  of  water,  and,  like  many  other  travelers,  it  at 
first  seemed  to  me  that  I had  discovered  evidence  of  change  of 
climate.  But  my  work  in  that  region  was  that  of  the  geologist 
rather  than  of  the  anthropologist,  and  I early  discovered  that  such 
evidence  is  valueless.  In  that  arid  country  years — perhaps  tens  or 
scores  of  years — will  pass  without  great  rains.  During  such  times 
the  larger  valleys  are  filled  with  the  materials  brought  down  by  the 
wash  of  rains  and  minor  streams,  and  such  accumulation  in  the 
valleys  of  this  arid  region  is  very  often  found.  But  there  come  at 
greater  or  less  intervals  storms  of  such  magnitude,  precipitating 
waters  in  such  volume  that  the  valleys  themselves  are  cleared  of  the 
accumulated  sands.  When  this  is  done  streams  flow  through  them  for 
miles  or  scores  of  miles  where  they  did  not  run  before,  and  the  few 
springs  along  the  water  courses  are  unmasked  and  yield  a constant 
supply.  And  I have  in  my  mind  at  the  present  time  a ruin  which 
I supposed  to  be  far  away  from  water,  and  which  was  far  away  from 
known  water  ten  years  ago,  but  at  the  foot  of  which  to-day  a beau- 


20 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


tiful  stream  is  running,  this  valley  having  been  cleared  of  its  debris 
not  more  than  eighteen  months  ago.  Abundant  instances  of  this 
kind  can  be  brought  up. 

Savage  people  abandon  their  homes  for  reasons  not  fully  or  easily 
appreciated  by  civilized  men.  Some  disease  carries  off  a great  man 
or  a number  of  persons  in  a tribe,  and  panic  seizes  the  people  and 
they  leave  their  homes,  perhaps  burn  them,  under  the  belief  that 
evil  beings  or  evil  influences  have  taken  possession  thereof.  And 
this  occurs  very  often.  I have  myself  more  than  once  witnessed  the 
effect  on  a tribe  of  an  epidemic  or  the  mysterious  death  of  a noted 
personage.  For  this  reason  the  sites  of  Indian  villages,  even  though 
dwellings  may  be  erected  of  stone,  are  not  very  permanent ; they  are 
constantly  changing.  In  the  southwestern  portion  of  the  United 
States  there  are  other  causes  for  change,  namely,  those  mentioned 
above — physical  causes.  A tribe  settling  on  a flowing  stream  at 
one  time  may  have  that  stream  buried  by  drifting  sands  and  the 
springs  all  masked  and  be  compelled  thereby  to  change  their  habi- 
tation. And  such  changes  doubtless  were  frequent. 

x\gain,  we  know  that  a people  living  in  a central  village  build 
small  summer  residences  scattered  about  the  country  by  the  sites  of 
springs,  where  they  cultivate  their  little  crops  of  grain  and  other 
vegetables;  so  that  a large  group  of  such  dwellings  may  be  ofund 
gathered  about  some  central  pueblo — not  giving  evidence  of  a dense 
population,  but  only  of  the  habits  and  customs  of  a small  body  of 
people.  In  such  manner  it  may  be  shown  that  the  extensive  popu- 
lation of  the  southwestern  portion  of  the  country,  based  upon  the 
evidence  of  the  ruins  so  abundantly  found,  does  not  hold.  A few 
people  moving  here  and  there  from  spring  to  spring  and  from  stream 
to  stream  as  pestilence  and  superstition  and  physical  changes  de- 
manded would  in  many  recurring  centuries  leave  behind  all  the 
ruins  now  discovered.  The  antiquity  of  man  widely  scattered 
throughout  this  continent  is  firmly  established  on  good  geologic 
evidence,  and  it  is  not  necessary  to  resort  to  evidence  of  doubtful 
character. 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


21 


Seventy-Sixth  Regular  and  Sixth  Annual  Meeting, 
January  15,  1885. 


Col.  Garrick  Mallery,  President,  in  the  Chair. 

The  Council  reported,  through  its  Secretary,  the  election  of  Mr. 
W J McGee,  of  the  U.  S.  Geological  Survey,  as  an  active  member, 
and  Hon.  Thomas  Wilson,  U.  S.  Consul  at  Nantes,  France,  as  a 
corresponding  member. 

The  annual  report  of  the  Treasurer  was  then  read  and  submitted 
to  the  Society. 

On  motion  of  Major  Powell,  a committee  was  appointed,  con- 
sisting of  Messrs.  Thomas,  Dorsey,  and  Flint,  to  audit  the  report. 

The  Society  then  proceeded  to  ballot  for  the  officers  of  the  ensuing 
year. 

The  following  is  the  result  of  the  balloting : 


President  . 

Vice-Presidents 

General  Secretary 
Secretary  to  the  Council  . 
Treasurer  . 

Curator  . 


Council  at  Large 


J.  W.  POWELL, 
f GARRICK  MALLERY. 

J OTIS  T.  MASON. 

• j LESTER  F.  WARD, 
f ROBERT  FLETCHER. 
DAVID  HUTCHESON. 
F.  A.  SEELY. 

J.  HOWARD  GORE. 

W.  J.  HOFFMAN, 
f J.  OWEN  DORSEY. 
EDWARD  ALLEN  FAY. 
H.  W.  HENSHAW. 

' ' CYRUS  THOMAS. 

WESTON  FLINT. 

C.  C.  ROYCE. 


The  amendment  which  had  been  duly  proposed  to  the  Constitu- 
tion was  then  taken  up  and  adopted  as  additional  to  Section  I, 
Art.  Ill,  viz. : 

“ Corresponding  members  from  whom  no  scientific  contribution 
is  received  for  two  years  after  their  election  may  be  dropped  from 
the  list  of  members  by  a vote  of  the  Council,  but  when  so  dropped 
shall  be  eligible  to  reinstatement.” 


22 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


Seventy-Seventh  Regular  Meeting,  February  5,  1884. 

Major  J.  W.  Powell,  President,  in  the  Chair. 

The  Council,  through  its  Secretary,  reported  the  election,  as  active 
members,  of  the  following  gentlemen : 

John  Jay  Knox,  Dorman  B.  Eaton,  John  M.  Gregory,  Edward 
T.  Peters,  Herbert  H.  Bates,  Anton  Carl. 

The  Curator  read  the  following  report  of  the  publications  received 
by  the  Society  since  the  first  meeting  of  the  present  session  in  Novem- 
ber : 

From  the  Society. — Bull.  Buffalo  Society  Nat.  History.  Vol.  IV. 
Nos.  1,  2,  3,  for  1881,  ’82. 

— Wyoming  Historical  and  Geological  Society.  Publication 

No.  7.  1883.  Memorial.  (Isaac  Smith  Osterhout  ) 

Ymer.  Bull,  issued  by  the  Swedish  Anthropological  and 

Geographical  Soc’y.  Stockholm.  1883.  Parts  1 — 6. 

Bull.  Anthropological  Society  of  Paris.  6th  vol.,  3d  Ser 

Part  3.  May  and  July,  1883, 

Archivio,  etc.,  from  the  Italian  Society  of  Anthropology, 

Ethnology  and  Comparative  Psychology.  XIII,  2nd  fasci- 
cule, 1883. 

Annual  Report  of  the  Frankfort  (Germany)  Society  of 

Geography  and  Statistics.  1881-1883. 

Bull,  of  the  Library  Co.,  of  Philada.  Jan.,  1884. 

From  the  Publishers. — Science  and  Nature.  An  International 
Illustrated  Review  of  the  Progress  of  Science  and  Industry. 
Paris.  Balliere  et  Fils.  Dec.  29,  1883. 

From  the  Author. — No.  III.  American  Aboriginal  Literature. 
Consisting  of  “The  Giiegiience;  A Comedy  Ballet  in  the 
Nahuatl-Spanish  Dialect  of  Nicaragua.  Edited  by  Dr.  D. 
G.  Brinton.  Philada.  1883.  8vo.  Pp.  94. 

Aboriginal  American  Authors  and  their  productions,  especi- 
ally those  in  the  native  languages.  By  Dr.  D.  G.  Brinton. 
Philada.  1883.  8vo.  Pp.  63.  [This  memoir  is  an  en- 
largement of  a paper  laid  before  the  last  International  Con- 
gress of  Americanists,  at  Copenhagen,  Aug.,  1883.] 

* A Brief  Account  of  the  More  Important  Public  Collections  of 

American  Archaeology  in  the  United  States.  By  Henry 
Phillips,  Jr.  Philada.  1883,  8vo.  Pp.  9. 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


23 


From  the  Author. — Micrometry.  By  D.  S.  Kellicott.  (Sec. 
Buff.  Acad.  Sci.)  Chicago.  1883.  8vo.  Pp.  23.  Re- 
printed from  the  Proc.  Am.  Soc’y  of  Microscopists. 

Der  Bronze-Stier  aus  der  Bijci  Kala-Hohle.  By  Dr.  Hein- 
rich Wankel.  Wien.  1877.  8vo.  Pp.  32.  Map  and 
plates. 

Ueber  einen  prahistorischen  Schadel  mit  einer  Resection 

des  Hinterhauptes.  By  Dr.  Heinrich  Wankel.  Wien. 
1882.  8vo.  Pp.  19.  2 plates. 

Ueber  die  angeblich  trepanirten  Cranien  des  Beinhauses  zu 

Sedlec  in  Bohmen.  By  Dr.  Heinrich  Wankel.  Wien.  1879. 
8vo.  Pp.  11. 

Eine  Opferstatte  bei  Raigern  in  Mahren.  By  Dr.  Hein- 
rich Wankel.  Wien.  1873.  Pp»  22* 

Prahistorische  Eisenschmelz-und  Schmiedestatten  in  Mahren. 

By  Dr.  Heinrich  Wankel.  Wien.  1879.  Pp.  4°-  1 pi- 

Wo  bleibtdie  Analogie?  By  Dr.  Heinrich  Wankel.  Wien. 

i4to  page.  [On  rock  inscriptions,  found  in  Smolensk,  Rus- 
sia.] By  Dr.  Heinrich  Wankel.  Without  date. 

■ Urgeschichtliche  Ansiedelung  auf  dem  Misskogel  in  Mahren. 

By  Dr.  Heinrich  Wankel.  Wien.  W.  d. 

Bilder  aus  der  Mahrischen  Schweiz,  und  ihrer  Vergangenheit. 

Wien.  1882.  8vo.  Pp.  422.  111. 

From  Ernest  Chantre. — Etudes  Paleoethnologiques  dans  le  Bassin 
du  Rhone.  Bronze  Age.  Paris.  1877.  8vo.  Pp.  8.  111. 

and  chart. 

The  Burial  Places  of  the  First  Age  of  Iron  of  the  French 

Alps.  Lyon.  1878.  8vo.  Pp.  15.  60  fig.  3 pi. 

Anthropologie.  A Lecture.  Lyon.  1881.  Pp.  29. 

Paleoethnologic  Researches  in  Southern  Russia,  especially 

in  the  Caucasus  and  the  Crimea.  Lyon.  1881.  8vo.  Pp. 
27.  PI.  12. 

— Geologic  Monograph  on  Ancient  Glaciers,  etc.  MM. 

Fahan  and  Chantre.  Lyon.  1880.  8vo.  Vol.  I.  Pp. 

622.  Vol.  II.  572.  111.  folio  atlas.  These  volumes  are 
replete  with  anthropologic  material. 

The  Bronze  Age.  Researches  on  the  Origin  of  Metallurgy 

in  France.  Paris.  1875.  3 vols.  Folio.  Profusely  illus- 

trated. 

• The  First  Age  of  Iron.  Mounds  and  Burial  Places.  Lyon. 

1880.  Folio.  Pp.  60,  and  50  lith.  plates 


24 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


From  Dr.  Heinrich  Fischer. — A Review  of  the  II  and.  Ill  Parts 
of  Trans.  Royal  Ethnographical  Museum  of  Dresden ; con- 
sisting of  a work  on  objects  of  Jadite  and  Nephrite  from 
various  quarters  of  the  globe.  By  Dr.  A.  B.  Meyer.  4to. 
pp.  9. 

On  motion  of  Col.  Seely  a vote  of  thanks  was  passed  to  the 
donors  of  books  and  pamphlets  mentioned  in  the  Curator’s  report. 

Mr.  Cyrus  Thomas  then  read  a paper  entitled  “ Cherokees 
Probably  Mound-Builders.”  * 

ABSTRACT. 

The  speaker  commenced  by  referring  to  some  discoveries  made 
by  Prof.  Lucien  Carr  in  1876  in  Lee  County,  Virginia,  which,  taken 
together  with  the  historical  data,  led  him  to  the  conclusion  that 
some,  at  least,  of  the  mounds  of  this  region  were  the  works  of  the 
Cherokees.  The  evidence  in  this  case  consisted  of  the  remains  of 
a building  of  some  kind  found  in  a mound  which  must  have  cor- 
responded very  closely  with  the  “ Council  House  ” observed  by 
Bartram  on  a mound  at  the  old  Cheroke  town  of  Cowe. 

He  next  referred  to  some  mounds  recently  opened  by  the  assist- 
ants of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology  in  western  North  Carolina  and 
East  Tennessee,  the  contents  of  which,  together  with  the  history  of 
the  Cherokees,  induced  him  to  believe  they  were  also  built  by  them. 

Prof.  Thomas  then  entered  upon  the  discussion  of  the  early  his- 
tory of  this  people,  the  purport  of  which  was  to  show  that  they  had 
occupied  this  region  at  least  as  far  back  as  1540,  the  date  of  De 
Soto’s  expedition. 

He  then  referred  to  the  specimens  found  in  the  mounds  alluded 
to,  which  he  contended  indicated  contact  with  Europeans,  exhibit- 
ing some  of  the  specimens  to  the  Society  as  evidence  of  the  correct- 
ness of  his  conclusion,  maintaining  that  if  the  mounds  were  built 
after  the  appearance  of  the  Europeans  they  must  be  the  works  of  the 
Cherokees,  as  they  were  the  only  people  known  to  have  inhabitated 
this  particular  section  from  the  time  of  De  Soto’s  expedition  until 
its  settlement  by  the  whites. 

As  further  proof  of  his  position  he  referred  to  carved  stone  pipes, 
engraved  shells,  and  copper  ornaments  found  in  these  mounds  pre- 
cisely like  those  described  by  early  writers  as  made  by  and  in  use 
among  the  people  of  this  tribe ; also  to  numerous  articles  of  aborigi- 


* Published  in  Magazine  of  American  History.  1884.  XI,  396-407. 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


25 


nal  and  European  manufacture  dug  up  from  the  site  of  an  old  Chero- 
kee town  near  the  Hiawassee  river,  the  former  being  precisely  of 
the  same  character  as  those  found  in  the  mounds  alluded  to. 

In  order  to  show  that  these  mounds  could  not  have  been  built 
by  the  Creeks  or  more  southern  Indians  he  presented  arguments  to 
prove  that  the  Etowah  mounds  in  Bartow  county,  Georgia,  were  on 
the  site  of  the  town  named  by  the  chroniclers  of  De  Soto’s  expedi- 
tion Guaxule,  which  evidently  from  the  narrative  could  not  have 
been  in  the  territory  of  the  “ Chelaques  ” (Cherokees).  He  then 
alluded  to  the  construction  of  the  mounds  of  this  group,  and  to 
specimens  found  in  one  of  them,  (exhibiting  some  of  the  speci- 
mens), which  showed  clearly  that  they  were  built  by  a different 
people  from  those  who  erected  the  mounds  of  North  Carolina  and 
East  Tennessee. 

DISCUSSION. 

Major  Powell  said  Prof.  Thomas’  paper  furnished  additional 
evidence  that  a number  of  our  Indian  tribes  were  primitive  mound- 
builders.  In  relation  to  that  part  of  the  paper  respecting  the 
ancient  habitat  of  the  Cherokees,  I have  some  curious  evidence 
to  offer.  Some  years  ago  I discovered  that  the  Cherokees,  Choctaws, 
Chickasaws,  Muskokis,  Natchez,  Yuchis,  and  other  tribes  have 
among  them  the  tradition  of  an  ancient  alliance  for  offensive  and 
defensive  purposes  against  the  Indians  to  the  west  of  the  Mississippi 
river  of  the  Siouan  stock.  In  the  grand  council  of  the  tribes  men- 
tioned the  terms  of  an  alliance  were  under  consideration,  and  from 
day  to  day  the  subject  was  considered  without  arriving  at  a conclu- 
sion. The  relation  of  the  tribes  to  each  other  could  not  be  ad- 
justed satisfactorily  to  all,  and  it  seemed  likely  that  the  council 
would  break  up  without  effecting  an  alliance.  Now  the  savage 
state  or  body-politic  is  a kinship  body ; the  ties  are  of  consanguinity 
and  affinity ; and  this  is  the  only  conception  of  a state  possible  to 
people  in  this  grade  of  culture.  So  the  disagreement  arose  about 
the  terms  of  kinship  by  which  the  tribes  should  know  one  another, 
as  this  would  establish  their  rank  and  authority  in  the  alliance. 

After  many  days  had  passed  in  fruitless  discussion  a Cherokee 
orator  proposed  a plan  of  alliance  that  has  given  him  renown  among 
all  the  tribes  interested  down  to  the  present  time.  To  those  who 
have  studied  Indian  oratory  and  the  reasoning  of  Indian  minds  his 
plan  and  the  reasons  therefor  are  of  great  interest.  He  commenced 


26 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


by  describing  the  geography  of  the  country  inhabited  by  the  several 
tribes  in  order  from  east,  passing  by  the  south  to  west,  and  passing 
by  the  north  again  to  east.  After  describing  all  of  this  country — 
the  mountains  and  valleys  and  rivers — he  called  attention  to  the 
fact  that  the  rivers  now  known  as  the  Savannah,  the  Altamaha,  the 
Appalachicola,  the  Alabama,  the  Tombigbee,  the  Tennessee,  and 
the  Cumberland  all  head  near  one  another  in  the  mountain  land 
occupied  by  the  Cherokees ; that  the  Cherokees,  therefore,  drank 
first  of  the  waters  of  all  the  rivers,  and  that  the  rivers  then  passed 
from  the  land  of  the  Cherokees  into  the  lands  of  the  other  tribes  to 
be  used  by  them,  and  that,  therefore,  mother  earth  had  signified 
their  precedence  to  all  the  other  tribes.  He  therefore  proposed 
that  the  Cherokees  should  be  the  father  tribe,  and  that  the  various 
other  tribes  should  take  rank  as  sons  in  the  order  in  which  the  sun 
rose  upon  their  lands — the  tribe  farthest  to  the  east  to  be  the  first 
son  or  elder  brother,  the  second  tribe  the  second  son,  and  so  on. 
This  geographical  argument  was  at  once  recognized  by  all  the  tribes 
as  being  invincible,  and  the  plan  was  immediately  adopted. 

Now  this  tradition  serves  us  a double  purpose.  First,  it  exhibits 
the  methods  by  which  one  tribe  has  called  another,  now  here,  now 
there,  by  terms  of  kinship,  and  that  these  terms  of  kinship  do  not 
signify  that  the  people  have  traditions  of  formerly  belonging  to 
the  same  tribe,  but  that  they  give  evidence  of  alliances  having 
been  formed  by  such  tribes.  The  second  point  of  interest,  and 
that  which  bears  upon  the  communication  of  Prof.  Thomas,  is 
this  : That  the  traditions  of  all  of  these  tribes  place  the  Cherokees 
in  the  Southern  Appalachian  Mountains,  about  the  sources  of  the 
rivers  from  the  Savannah  around  to  the  Cumberland,  this  being  the 
very  territory  which  Prof.  Thomas  claims  to  have  belonged  to 
the  Cherokees  from  historical  evidence  and  evidence  obtained  from 
the  mounds. 

Mr.  Holmes  exhibited  and  commented  upon  some  delineations 
of  the  human  figure  in  copper  and  on  shell  gorgets  found  in  the 
mounds  of  Tennessee,  remarking  that  the  designs  were  not  Euro- 
pean but  resembled  the  art  of  Yucatan,  and  if  manufactured  in 
Spain  were  made  from  designs  furnished  by  those  who  had  been  in 
Yucatan,  and  if  they  were  of  European  manufacture  they  were 
of  no  great  value  except  to  prove  the  intrusion  of  Europeans. 

Col.  Seely  remarked  that  the  opinion  that  was  gaining  ground 
among  American  students,  and  particularly  among  the  members  of 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


27 


this  Society,  as  to  the  comparatively  recent  period  in  which  mound- 
building  was  practiced,  did  not  seem  to  be  shared  in  Europe.  He 
had  just  received  from  the  Marquis  de  Nadaillac,  one  of  our  hon- 
orary members,  and  perhaps  among  Europeans  the  one  person  who 
kept  himself  best  informed  on  all  the  developments  of  American  ar- 
chaeology, the  proof-sheets  of  an  article  in  the  Revue  d1  Anthropo- 
logie , in  which  he  presented  to  European  readers  a resume  of  Mr. 
Carr’s  recent  work.  While  admitting  the  force  of  the  facts  set  forth, 
the  Marquis  dissented  from  the  conclusions,  his  particular  reason  for 
dissent  being  that  the  reversion  to  barbarism  of  tribes  advanced  in 
civilization  was  a thing  unknown.  He  said  a tribe  or  people  par- 
tially civilized  might  be  conquered  by  one  more  barbarous,  and 
might  become  merged  in  it ; but  it  had  never  been  known  that  such 
a people,  after  once  having  fixed  homes,  agriculture,  and  arts  of 
domestic  life,  had  lost  all  these  and  fallen  back  to  the  barbarous 
condition  of  their  conquerors.  On  the  contrary,  experience  shows 
that  the  effect  of  such  a mixture  of  races  is  to  elevate  the  conquerors 
by  imparting  to  them  the  arts  and  habits  of  the  conquered  people. 

Col.  Seely  read  brief  extracts  from  M.  de  Nadaillac’ s article, 
which  concluded  with  very  complimentary  mention  of  the  work  of 
American  explorers  and  an  expression  of  belief  that  they  would 
before  long  lead  to  a solution  of  the  mystery  of  the  mound-builders. 

Major  Powell  said  : The  criticism  which  Colonel  Seely  has  read 
for  us  is  interesting  in  various  respects,  but  it  fails  to  be  valid  by  reason 
of  a curious  error.  It  is  a great  mistake  to  suppose  that  the  Indians 
of  North  America  were  nomads.  All  of  our  Indian  tribes  had  fixed 
habitations.  It  is  true  they  moved  their  villages  from  time  to  time, 
because  of  their  superstitions  and  for  other  reasons,  but  to  all  intents 
and  purposes  they  were  sedentary,  living  in  fixed  habitations  from 
year  to  yeg.r,  though  from  generation  to  generation  they  might 
change  the  sites  of  their  towns.  But  of  many  of  our  Indian  tribes 
because  partly  nomadic  shortly  after  the  advent  of  the  white  man, 
from  whom  they  obtained  horses  and  fire-arms.  With  horses  they 
could  easily  move  from  point  to  point,  and  with  fire-arms  they  could 
obtain  a larger  share  of  their  sustentation  by  hunting  than  they 
had  previously  done,  and  many  tribes  gave  up  agriculture  on  this 
account.  Instead  of  living  in  houses  of  wood  and  stone  and  earth 
they  came  to  live  more  or  less  in  skin  tents. 

If  we  attempt  to  mark  off  the  progress  of  mankind  in  culture 
into  stages,  that  which  I shall  call  savagery  is,  in  a general  way, 


28 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


well  differentiated  from  higher  stages.  In  this  stage  the  state  is  or- 
ganized by  kinship.  Tribes  are  kinship  bodies.  In  the  main,  de- 
scent is  in  the  female  line — that  is,  mother-right  prevails.  In  gen- 
eral, too,  these  people  are  in  the  stone  age.  They  have  not  yet 
learned  to  use  bronze  ; nor  have  they  developed  hieroglyphic  writ- 
ing. People  in  this  stage  of  culture  are  called  savages.  When 
such  tribes  have  changed  their  social  structure  so  that  father-right 
prevails,  then  the  patriarchy  is  established.  At  about  the  same 
period  of  culture  animals  are  domesticated,  and  doubtless  the  do- 
mestication of  animals  and  the  necessity  for  nomadic  life  which  re- 
sults therefrom  is  one  of  the  most  important  agencies  in  breaking 
up  mother-right  and  establishing  father-right;  and  when  father- 
right  is  established  the  patriarchy  speedily  follows.  Such  peoples 
we  call  barbaric , and  the  stage  of  culture  in  which  they  live  barbar- 
ism. Barbaric  people  may  be  nomads;  savage  people  are  never 
nomadic.  Some  English  anthropologists  whose  branch  of  investi- 
gation is  confined  chiefly  to  institutions,  or,  as  we  call  it,  “soci- 
ology,” have  traced  back  the  history  of  Aryan  civilization  until 
they  have  discovered  the  patriarchy,  until  they  find  the  early  peo- 
ples from  whom  the  present  civilized  States  have  descended  in  a 
state  of  nomadism — patriarchies  with  their  great  tribal  families 
about  them,  together  with  their  flocks  and  herds,  all  roaming  from 
one  district  of  country  to  another  in  search  of  pasturage  and  water. 
And  they  are  accustomed  to  assume  that  this  patriarchal  condition, 
this  nomadism,  is  the  primitive  form  of  society.  Sir  Henry  Maine 
is  one  of  the  leading  men  of  this  school,  and  we  are  greatly  indebted 
to  his  researches  for  the  materials  with  which  to  trace  the  develop- 
ment of  patriarchal  institutions  into  national  institutions.  But 
there  is  abundant  evidence  to  show  that  there  are  institutions  more 
primitive  than  those  of  barbarism.  The  tribes  of  Australia  and  the 
tribes  of  North  America  and  of  South  America  are  discovered  to 
be  in  a state  of  culture  lower  and  more  primitive  in  structure  than 
the  peoples  of  early  Aryan  history.  Herbert  Spencer  has  in  the 
same  manner  confounded  tribal  society,  or  savagery,  with  bar- 
barism, and  has  entirely  failed  to  understand  the  structure  of  the 
hundreds  of  tribal  States  of  North  America  and  of  many  others 
elsewhere  throughout  the  world  ; and  to  him  may  be  largely  attrib- 
uted the  erroneous  habit  of  calling  the  tribes  of  North  America 
nomads.  It  should  be  distinctly  understood  that  the  North  Ameri- 
cans are  not  nomads,  that  they  have  not  the  partriarchal  fomi 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


29 


of  government,  and  that  they  have  not  domesticated  animals. 
From  this  statement  I must  except  certain  tribes  of  Mexico  and 
Central  America,  whose  exact  state  of  culture  has  not  yet  been 
clearly  discovered.  The  criticism  of  the  eminent  author  from  whom 
our  Secretary  has  read  therefore  falls  to  the  ground. 

Mr.  Ward  said  he  had  looked  up  the  exact  meaning  of  nomadism 
under  the  impression  that  the  term  implied  the  state  given  by  Major 
Powell.  He  had  seen  it  used  in  the  sense  of  a headless  race,  with 
no  form  of  government,  no  arts,  no  domestic  animals,  therefore 
representing  the  lowest  form  of  culture.  The  term  was  used  in  this 
sense  by  Mr.  Herbert  Spencer.  There  was  some  justification  for  the 
use  of  the  term  in  this  sense  by  European  ethnologists.  The  mean- 
ing of  the  word  does  not  involve  domestic  animals  ; it  simply  means 
to  wander. 

Prof.  Mason  said  that  the  Cherokees  might  have  been  mound- 
builders,  but  the  mound-builders  were  not  all  Cherokees.  We  can- 
not yet  affirm  that  the  ancestors  of  our  modern  Indians  were  the 
mound-builders  of  the  Mississippi  valley.  He  called  attention  to 
the  fact  that  Dr.  Brinton  states  that  the  mound-builders  of  the  Mis- 
sippi  valley  were  Choctaws.  He  also  spoke  of  the  delicate  and 
strange  forms  of  objects  in  stone  found  in  Ohio  mounds  and  in 
immense  stone  graves  compared  with  forms  of  articles  made  by 
modern  Indians.  There  are  many  types  of  these  mound-objects 
for  which  we  have  no  names,  because  modern  savages  use  nothing 
like  them. 

Major  Powell  said  there  is  no  whit  of  evidence  to  show  that  the 
mounds,  were  built  by  a pre-Indian  people.  For  a long  time  it  has 
been  assumed  that  a great  race  of  people  inhabited  the  valley  of  the 
Mississippi  anterior  to  its  occupation  by  the  tribes  of  Indians  dis- 
covered by  early  European  explorers,  and  it  was  claimed  that  these 
people  had  erected  great  earthworks  of  such  magnitude  that  they 
could  not  be  attributed  to  the  Indian  tribes,  but  that  they  must  have 
been  the  work  of  people  more  highly  organized.  This  error  arose 
from  the  fact  that  early  writers  had  no  adequate  conception  of  the 
character  of  tribal  organization,  and  that  kinship  society  is  as 
thoroughly  bound  together,  and  perhaps  more  thoroughly,  than 
that  based  upon  any  other  plan.  They  also  assumed  that  the  works 
of  art  found  in  these  mounds,  or  associated  therewith,  gave  evidence 
of  superior  art.  A careful  examination  of  this  theory  has  proved 
its  fallacy.  On  the  other  hand,  it  has  been  discovered  that  the 


30 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


works  of  art  in  the  mounds  are  in  no  whit  superior  to  the  arts  of 
the  Indians  discovered  in  this  country.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
Cherokees,  Choctaws,  Chickasaws,  Muskokis,  Shawnees,  Mandans, 
Wintuns,  and  Siouans,  and  probably  many  other  tribes,  are  known 
to  have  built  mounds  for  domiciliary  and  burial  purposes.  The 
earlier  explorers  found  tribes  of  Indians  occupying  and  using 
mounds  — the  Natchez,  Cherokees,  and  others;  and  the  result 
of  the  last  few  years  of  investigation  is  this : That  there  is  no 
sufficient  reason,  and  in  fact  no  whit  of  evidence,  to  show 
that  this  continent  was  occupied  by  a people  anterior  to  its  occupa- 
tion by  the  Indian  tribes,  a people  of  a higher  grade  of  cul- 
ture. On  the  other  hand,  some  tribes  of  Indians  are  known  to  have 
been  mound-builders.  We  have  not  yet  discovered  what  particular 
tribes  built  many  of  the  mounds ; nor  is  it  possible  to  discover 
when  they  were  built  — that  is,  to  fix  with  acccuracy  the  date 
of  their  erection.  Some  of  them  have  been  built  within  the  historic 
period  — doubtless  but  very  few  compared  with  the  whole  number — 
and  some  of  them  are  doubtless  of  great  antiquity.  And  during 
all  the  centuries  of  history  when  these  mounds  were  erected  some 
tribes  may  have  been  destroyed,  and  there  may  be  mounds  built 
by  tribes  whose  history  is  lost.  Some  of  the  Indian  tribes  occupy- 
ing the  continent  at  the  advent  of  the  white  man  were  mound- 
builders  and  a few  mounds  have  been  built  since  that  time.  The 
great  number  were  erected  prior  to  that  time  by  these  tribes,  and 
perhaps  by  others  still  existing,  but  of  whose  mound-building  we 
have  yet  no  knowledge,  and  still  others  may  have  been  built  by 
tribes  that  are  lost. 

This  seems  to  be  the  inevitable  conclusion  from  the  researches  of 
the  past  few  years,  and  the  theory  that  a more  highly  cultured  peo- 
ple inhabited  this  continent  anterior  to  its  occupation  by  the  red 
Indian  falls  to  the  ground. 


Seventy-Eighth  Regular  Meeting,  February  19th,  1884. 

Major  J.  W.  Powell,  President,  in  the  Chair. 

Mr.  Dorsey,  in  behalf  of  the  committee  appointed  to  audit  the 
Treasurer’s  accounts,  then  reported  that  the  accounts  had  been 
examined  and  found  to  be  correct.  The  report  was  accepted  by 
the  Society, 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


31 


The  Secretary  of  the  Council  announced  that  the  President  had 
designated  the  Vice-Presidents  to  their  several  sections,  as  follows : 

Dr.  Fletcher,  Section  of  Somatology;  Mr.  Ward,  Section  of 
Sociology;  Col  Mallery,  Philology,  Philosophy,  and  Psychology; 
Prof.  Mason,  Technology. 

Mr.  Ward  then  read  a paper  entitled  “Mind  as  a Social 
Factor.”  * 

Abstract. 

It  was  maintained  that,  notwithstanding  the  general  disposition 
to  exalt  and  deify  the  mind,  still  this  had  thus  far  amounted,  to  little 
more  than  lip-service,  and  that  the  real  power  of  human  intellect  as 
the  lever  of  civilization  was  not  merely  ignored  but  practically 
denied.  Touching  lightly  upon  the  metaphysical  school  of  philos- 
ophy, of  which  this  had  always  been  true,  he  directed  his  main 
argument  against  the  now  far  more  powerful  influence  in  the  same 
direction  which  the  most  advanced  scientific  thinkers  are  exerting. 
The  tendency  of  the  evolutionists  to  contemplate  man  solely  from 
the  biological  standpoint,  and  to  treat  society  as  a simple  continua- 
tion of  the  series  of  results  accomplished  by  evolution  in  the  lower 
departments  of  being,  was  strongly  condemned.  Himself  a con- 
sistent evolutionist,  and  firm  believer  in  the  doctrine  of  man’s  descent 
from  humbler  forms  of  existence,  Mr.  Ward  still  cogently  main- 
tained that  in  studying  development  an  entirely  new  set  of  canons 
must  be  adopted  the  moment  the  phenomena  of  the  human  intellect 
present  themselves  for  consideration.  Henceforth  a new  factor, 
wholly  different  from  any  before  employed,  enters  into  the  problem, 
and  correspondingly  new  and  distinct  methods  of  research  must  be 
adopted.  Just  as  the  biologist  finds  in  the  advent  of  life  on  the 
globe  a new  and  enormous  factor  such  as  compels  him  to  investigate 
the  organic  world  with  an  entirely  new  set  of  principles  and  methods 
from  those  that  are  applicable  to  physics,  chemistry,  etc.,  so,  Mr. 
Ward  maintained,  when  the  developed  psychic  faculty  appeared  a 
second  change  of  base  in  science,  equally  thorough  and  complete, 
was  imperatively  demanded.  The  failure  of  modern  philosophers, 
headed  by  Mr.  Herbert  Spencer,  to  recognize  this  patent  truth  had 
led  to  the  let-alone  doctrine,  which  possesses  a certain  fascination 


* Published  in  full  in  “Mind”  (London)  for  October,  1884,  pp.  563-573. 


32 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


and  justifies  individual  aggrandizement,  and  hence  is  making  rapid 
inroads  into  the  popular  habit  of  thought.  This  laissez  faire  philos- 
ophy, which  Mr.  Ward  characterized  as  the  “gospel  of  inaction, ” 
is,  in  his  opinion,  distinctly  negatived  by  the  most  advanced  science, 
is  contrary  to  the  very  law  of  evolution,  and  its  legitmate  workings 
almost  justify  Carlyle  in  denouncing  the  whole  philosophy  of  science 
as  the  “ gospel  of  dirt.” 

As  against  such  sordid  teachings  Mr.  Ward  held : That  without 
apotheosizing  the  mind,  without  denying  its  humble  origin  and  slow 
development,  it  is  still  the  greatest  fact  in  the  universe,  produces 
the  grandest  results  achieved  on  the  globe,  and  in  and  of  itself 
makes  man  the  supreme  arbiter  of  his  own  destiny,  the  great  in- 
dependent agency  of  the  world  and  master  of  the  planet. 

DISCUSSION. 


Prof.  Thomas  remarked  that  for  a clear  comprehension  of  the 
problem  presented  in  Mr.  Ward’s  paper  a definition  of  what  he 
meant  by  mind  was  necessary.  He  cited  illustrations  to  show  that 
animals  and  even  insects  have  memory  and  reasoning  powers — in 
short/ mind.  What  then,  he  asked,  is  the  human  as  distinguished 
from  the  brute  mind? 

Prof.  Ward,  in  reply,  said  that  so  far  as  the  purposes  of  the 
present  paper  were  concerned  the  only  definition  of  mind  necessary 
was  the  one  given  in  the  course  of  the  paper,  viz.,  that  it  was  the 
inventive  faculty  of  man. 

Mr.  Welling  expressed  his  general  concurrence  in  so  much  of 
Mr.  Ward’s  paper  as  might  be  said  to  convey  the  positive  and  affir- 
mative propositions  of  the  writer,  but  intimated  the  opinion  that  on 
a deeper  analysis  and  closer  inspection  it  would  be  found  that  the 
dissidence  between  Mr.  Ward  and  the  scientific  expositors  of  the 
naturalistic  school  was  not  so  great  as  might  be  inferred  from  the 
terms  of  his  negative  criticism.  That  dissidence  was  perhaps  formal 
rather  than  real,  being,  as  between  him  and  his  opponents,  a question 
of  nomenclature  rather  than  of  substance — or,  to  speak  more  defi- 
nitely, a question  as  to  the  precise  point  in  the  evolutionary  process 
where  the  logic  and  nomenclature  of  the  naturalistic  school  might  be 
held  to  apply  to  the  facts  of  psychic  activity  in  the  figure  of  human 
society.  In  so  far  as  mind  might  be  said  to  have  a physical  basis, 
Mr.  Welling  said  that  he  saw  no  reason  why  the  human  organism 
should  be  exempted  from  the  law  of  a physical  natural  selection  and 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


33 


survival,  but  at  the  same  time  it  was  very  clear  that  we  were  not  to 
look  to  man’s  physical  organism  for  the  highest  expressions  of 
that  natural  selection  which  was  peculiar  to  him  in  the  animal  world. 
Regarded  apart  from  all  disputes  as  to  their  genesis,  and  considered 
simply  in  their  functions,  it  might  be  said  that  a plant  is  a machine 
for  coordinating  a certain  number  of  natural  forces,  and  thereby 
lifting  them  above  the  realm  of  the  inorganic  nature  which  is  below 
it ; that  the  animal  organism  is  a machine  for  coordinating  another 
bundle  of  natural  forces  and  thereby  lifting  them  above  the  level  of 
the  plant  world,  and  that  man  is  an  organism  in  which  the  vegeta- 
ble and  animal  constitution  simply  lays  the  basis  of  a higher  series 
of  activities,  in  proportion  as  the  natural  forces  below  him  are 
coordinated  and  transmuted  by  that  which  in  him  is  highest — his 
mind.  It  is,  therefore,  in  the  creations  of  the  human  mind  that  we 
would  naturally  look  for  the  natural  selections  and  survivals  which 
are  most  distinctive  of  man  and  most  descriptive  of  his  place  in 
nature.  If  the  place  of  man  in  nature  and  the  place  of  mind  in 
man  be  so  regarded,  it  does  not  seem  necessary  to  assume  that  there 
is  any  reversal  of  the  logic  of  evolution  when  we  come  to  study  the 
phenomena  of  human  society.  It  is  not  a reversal  of  this  logic  and 
nomenclature,  as  Mr.  Ward  seems  to  think,  but  a transference  of 
that  logic  and  nomenclature  to  a higher  sphere  of  action — the  ac- 
tion of  man  in  society  under  the  forces  of  an  expanding  science  and 
a,  growing  morality.  It  is  in  these — that  is,  in  the  rational  and  moral 
forces,  which  are  dynamic  in  society — that  we  must  look  for  the  natu- 
ral selections  which  are  relatively  the  fittest  to  survive  at  any  given 
stage  of  human  history.  And  in  properly  coordinating  the  rational 
and  moral  forces  by  which  he  is  lifted  above  the  brutes  of  the  field, 
it  is  just  as  important  that  man  should  act  with  the  forces  of  nature 
below  him  and  in  him  as  that  he  should  in  a measure  act  above 
those  lower  forces  by  virtue  of  his  mind — his  “faculty  of  execution,” 
as  Mr.  Ward  calls  it.  And  in  making  the  purely  artificial  regula- 
tions which  belong  to  him  as  “apolitical  animal”  he  is  perpetually 
in  danger  of  making  civil,  political,  and  economical  adjustments 
which  sin  against  the  laws  of  nature  and  against  the  natural  rights  of 
man.  Against  all  adjustments  which  unduly  restrict  the  natural 
freedom  of  man  in  his  mind,  his  body,  or  his  labor,  we  may  there- 
fore justly  hurl  the  doctrine  of  laissez  fair e. 

Mr.  Welling  then  proceeded  to  illustrate  this  point  of  view  by 
citing  the  phenomena  of  political  economy  as  presented  to  us  in 
3 


34 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


France  during  the  reign  of  Louis  IX,  when  every  branch  of  industry 
in  the  kingdom  was  put  under  governmental  regulation  and  restric- 
tion. These  regulations  and  restrictions  were  imposed  in  the  name 
of  a state-craft  which  assumed  to  be  wise  above  the  laws  of  natural 
production.  They  were  the  expressions  of  an  artificial  selection 
working  against  the  natural  selections  of  supply  and  demand  in  the 
figure  of  political  economy,  and  it  was  in  opposition  to  the  enormi- 
ties of  this  system  that  the  school  of  political  economists  known  in 
France  as  the  physiocrats  rose  at  the  close  of  the  18th  century  to 
make  their  indignant  protest  in  the  name  of  laissez  faire.  And  in 
subsequent  times  as  well  as  in  other  lands  there  had  been  abundant 
room  to  challenge  the  tariff  regulations  of  any  given  epoch  in  the 
name  of  the  same  watchword. 

Shall  we  say,  then,  that  the  maxim  of  laissez  faire  is  final  in 
political  economy?  By  no  means.  It  is  final  as  against  the  pre- 
tension that  man,  by  legislative  artifice,  however  ingeniously  de- 
vised, can  make  any  industry  profitable  to  the  commonwealth  against 
the  forces  of  natural  production.  But  in  so  far  as  man  has  higher 
ends  in  society  than  the  creation  of  wealth  the  maxim  is  not  final. 
If  there  be  those  who,  in  the  name  of  a naturistic  philosophy,  would 
plead  for  the  right  to  grind  up  the  bodies  and  souls  of  men  in  the 
natural  pursuit  of  wealth,  it  is  easy  to  see  that  such  a false  and  one- 
sided adjustment  of  economical  relations  would  but  call  for  a new 
evolution  of  public  intelligence  and  public  morality,  as  seen  in  the 
preventive  justice  which  should  be  devised  in  order  to  guard  the 
community  from  such  excesses  of  the  laissez  faire  doctrine.  But 
neither  the  public  intelligence  nor  the  public  morality  Can  have  a 
full  field  for  the  exercise  of  their  natural  prerogatives  in  the  sphere 
of  public  economy  until  laissez  faire  has  allowed  the  forces  of  natural 
production  to  exhibit  the  full  measure  of  their  strength,  without  let 
or  hindrance,  save  such  as  may  be  neeeded  to  guard  interests  higher 
than  the  material  wealth  of  a nation. 

Major  Powell  : The  paper  by  Prof.  Ward  has  been  of  great 
interest  to  me,  as  well  as  the  discussion  which  it  has  elicited.  In 
the  progress  of  institutions  it  often  becomes  necessary  that  the  old 
should  be  torn  down  in  order  that  the  new  may  be  erected  on  the 
same  ground  ; and  in  every  great  civilized  land  there  are  those  who 
devote  themselves  to  destruction,  while  others  engage  in  construc- 
tion. The  theory  of  the  destructionist  has  of  late  years  obtained 
much  vantage-ground  from  the  doctrines  of  evolution,  and  the  com- 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


35 


munication  of  this  evening  very  clearly  sets  forth  the  improper  use 
of  the  established  doctrines  of  evolution  by  a class  of  philosophers 
who  fail  to  appreciate  fully  the  necessity  for  construction  pari  passu 
with  destruction  and  who  have  lost  faith  in  human  institutions  and 
neglect  the  teachings  of  all  human  history. 

The  Lamarckian  doctrine  of  evolution  was  that  of  adaptation  by 
exercise.  The  hypothesis  did  not  obtain  wide  acceptation  until.it 
was  expanded  more  fully  by  Darwin  and  his  contemporaries  into 
the  further  doctrine  of  the  survival  of  the  fittest  in  the  struggle  for 
existence  through  competition  in  enormously  overcrowded  popula- 
tion. By  this  latter  philosopher  it  was  shown  that  competition 
performed  an  important  part  in  evolution,  and  that  the  Lamarckian 
method  gained  its  efficiency  through  the  law  established  by  Darwin. 
Among  the  lower  animals  species  compete  with  species,  and  indi- 
viduals of  the  same  species  compete  with  one  another,  and  as  the 
number  of  individuals  produced  is  greatly  in  excess  of  those  which 
can  obtain  sustentation  some  must  necessarily  succumb,  and  in  the 
grand  average  it  is  the  unfit  that  yield  their  places  to  those  better 
fitted  to  the  conditions.  With  mankind  this  competition  does  not 
perform  the  same  office  that  it  does  with  the  lower  animals,  and 
this  by  reason  of  the  organization  of  society  and  of  other  human 
activities,  whereby  men,  to  a greater  or  less  extent,  become  inter- 
dependent, so  that  the  survival  of  one  depends  upon  the  survival 
of  others,  and  the  welfare  of  one  upon  the  welfare  of  many.  But 
competition  still  plays  an  important  part  in  the  life  history  of 
the  human  race.  Man  in  his  competition  with  the  lower  animals 
has  so  outstripped  them  in  skill  and  power  that  he  utilizes  them  for 
his  wants.  He  destroys  some,  and  others  he  domesticates  for  his 
purposes.  It  cannot  properly  be  said  that  he  longer  competes  with 
the  lower  animals — in  fact,  he  utilizes  them. 

But  man  competes  with  man,  and  this  competition  is  expressed 
in  warfare — public  and  private.  In  public  warfare  state  competes 
with  state,  and  the  question  arises,  does  this  competition,  this  war- 
fare, ultimately  result,  in  the  average,  in  human  progress  ? So  far 
as  it  is  a competition  between  states  do  the  higher  and  better 
people  survive,  and  the  lower  people  succumb  ? He  would  be  a 
bold  man,  indeed,  who  would  assert  that  the  victor  is  always  the 
superior  man  in  culture,  and  who  would  divide  and  relegate  the 
victories  of  the  world  to  the  good  and  the  bad,  the  wise  and  the 
unwise,  the  just  and  the  unjust.  It  is  a task  too  delicate  for  any- 


36 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


thing  but  omniscience.  But  we  may  look  upon  it  in  another  light. 
In  the  grand  average  the  individuals  who  engage  in  warfare  are 
those  who  are  physically  strong,  and,  as  judged  by  the  standards 
obtaining  among  their  own  peoples,  they  are  the  patriotic  and  the 
noble,  and  it  has  usually  happened  that  the  flower  of  the  state  has 
been  absorbed  in  its  armies.  This  is  less  true  in  modern  warfare,  but 
is  more  true  as  we  go  farther  backward  in  the  history  of  mankind. 
The  strong,  the  brave,  and  the  patriotic  have  fallen  in  battle  ; the 
weak,  the  cowardly,  and  the  selfish  have  survived ; and  thus  war- 
fare has  been  a constant  drain  upon  the  best  of  all  lands;  and  it 
may  be  confidently  asserted  that  human  competition  by  warfare  has 
in  this  manner  failed  to  be  an  agency  for  human  progress.  Often 
warfare  has  been  the  means  of  overthrowing  unjust  and  unwise  insti- 
tutions, and  in  this  manner  warfare  has  ofttimes  resulted  in  good  in 
human  progress.  On  the  other  hand  the  period  of  warfare,  the 
time  in  which  peoples  are  engaged  in  warfare,  is  usually  a time 
when  the  institutions  of  a people  lapse  from  a higher  to  a lower 
condition.  The  necessities  of  war  ofttimes  furnish  the  excuse  and 
justification  for  the  establishment  of  institutions,  or  for  modifications 
unjust  and  tyrannical  in  character.  In  the  main  war  periods  are 
times  in  which  public  morals  lapse  toward  barbarism. 

If  we  turn  to  consider  the  effect  of  private  warfare  on  the  progress 
of  mankind  we  again  fail  to  discover  an  efficient  agency  in  human 
culture.  He  would  indeed  be  a bold  man  who  should  assert  that  it 
results  in  the  survival  of  the  fittest,  and  who  would  relegate  mur- 
derers to  the  class  called  the  best,  and  the  murdered  to  the  class 
called  the  worst. 

But  mankind  engage  in  another  form  of  competition.  They 
compete  for  welfare  or  happiness;  and  in  so  far  as  it  is  true  com- 
petition, as  distinguished  from  honorable  rivalry — that  is,  in  so  far 
as  one  man  succeeds  at  the  expense  of  another — in  just  so  far  is  in- 
justice done ; for,  by  the  establishment  of  interdependence  among 
men,  the  welfare  of  one  properly  depends  upon  the  welfare  of  others, 
and  the  essential  characteristic  of  justice,  • for  which  all  mankind 
have  striven,  is  this : that  no  man  shall  reap  advantage  to  the  in- 
jury of  his  neighbor.  Competition  for  welfare,  in  the  sense  in 
which  the  term  is  here  used,  is  the  prosecution  of  injustice,  and  to 
the  extent  that  justice  is  established  competition  is  avoided.  . 

There  is  yet  competition  of  a third  class.  Arts  compete  with 
arts,  and  in  the  average  the  best  are  selected,  and  the  choice  is 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


37 


made  by  men  themselves.  Men  do  not  choose  the  best  men  but 
the  best  arts,  and  indirectly  choose  the  men  as  best  because  they 
represent  the  best  arts.  So,  institutions  compete  with  institutions, 
and  the  best  are  chosen  in  the  average.  So,  languages  and  methods 
of  expressing  thought  compete  with  languages  and  methods  of  ex- 
pressing thought,  and  in  the  average  the  best  are  chosen.  In  like 
manner  opinions  compete  with  opinions,  and  in  the  grand  average 
the  best  and  the  true  are  chosen.  Now,  arts,  institutions,  languages, 
and  opinions  are  human  inventions,  and  in  every  department  of 
human  activity,  as  thus  represented,  inventions  compete  with  in- 
ventions, and  as  in  the  grand  average  the  fittest  are  chosen,  so  those 
who  represent  the  best,  the  fittest,  achieve  success  as  compared  with 
others  who  represent  inventions  of  less  worth.  In  this  field  there 
is  legitimate  competition,  and  it  is  by  this  competition  that  man 
progresses  in  civilization ; but  it  is  the  objective  invention  or  activ- 
ity that  survives,  not  the  subject  man.  Now  that  class  of  sociolo- 
gists who  appeal  to  the  established  facts  of  science  relating  to  com- 
petition, and  use  the  laws  of  competition  as  they  are  exhibited  in 
the  lower  animals,  as  if  they  properly  applied  to  man,  use  them  for 
destructive  purposes,  to  destroy  institutions,  and  they  use  them 
illegitimately,  for  human  progress  is  not  made  by  competing  for 
existence,  or  by  directly  competing  for  welfare,  but  only  by  in- 
directly competing  for  welfare  through  the  direct  competition  of 
arts,  institutions,  languages,  and  opinions ; and  in  order  that  this 
indirect  competition  may  be  efficient  all  such  competition  must  be 
in  conformity  with  the  principles  of  justice.  Therefore,  institutions 
designed  to  establish  justice  among  mankind  cannot  properly  be 
judged  by  the  canons  derived  from  the  laws  of  competition,  but 
only  by  the  canons  derived  from  the  principles  of  justice,  for  the 
efficiency  of  competition  itself  in  human  progress  depends  primarily 
on  pre-established  justice. 

The  destructionists  who  thus  illegitimately  use  the  doctrines  of 
evolution  in  their  warfare  against  all  human  institutions  to  a large 
extent  deny  the  efficiency  of  altruistic  motives.  They  do  not  clearly 
see  that  wise  egoism  is  wise  altruism,  because  they  do  not  clearly 
understand  the  interdependence  of  mankind ; and  in  denying  the 
extent  and  efficiency  of  altruism  they  neglect  the  best  side  of  human 
history.  Man  inherited  altruism  from  the  beast.  The  she  bear 
loves  her  cubs,  the  lioness  her  whelps,  and  the  eagless  her  eaglets, 
and  beast,  bird,  and  insect  alike  exhibit  altruistic  motives.  Among 


38 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


the  lower  animals  the  group  is  very  small  indeed  between  the  indi- 
viduals of  which  such  sentiments  prevail ; but  steadily  in  their  pro- 
gress from  savagery  to  the  highest  stage  of  civilization  men  have 
enlarged  the  group,  as  the  small  kinship  group  has  expanded  into 
larger,  the  clan  into  the  tribe,  the  tribe  into  the  confederacy,  and 
confederacies  and  confederated  tribes  into  nations  ; gnd  altruism  has 
expanded  from  smaller  group  to  larger  group,  from  family  love  to 
patriotism,  and  from  patriotism  to  humanity ; and  in  the  light  of 
the  past  we  may  safely  prophesy  of  the  future  that  this  altruism  will 
improve  in  quality  and  expand  in  scope  until  every  man  shall 
recognize  in  every  other  a brother  in  whose  welfare  he  has  an  interest 
as  deep  as  in  his  own,  and  when  the  doctrine  of  laissez  faire  shall  be 
known  no  more  forever. 


Seventy-Ninth  Regular  Meeting,  March  i,  1884. 

Major  J.  W.  Powell,  President,  in  the  Chair. 

The  President  announced  the  resignation  of  David  Hutcheson,  as 
General  Secretary  of  the  Society,  and  the  election  by  the  Council 
of  S.  V.  Proudfit  to  fill  the  vacancy. 

Ensign  Albert  Niblack,  U.  S.  N.,  read  the  following  paper 
on  “ The  Smithsonian  Anthropological  Collections  for  1883.” 

With  the  exception  of  the  year  1876,  when  the  material  was  re- 
ceived from  the  Centenial  Exposition,  the  accessions  for  1883  ex- 
ceed those  of  any  other  year  both  in  number  and  value.  As  the 
annual  appropriations  are  only  made  by  the  Government  for  the 
preservation  of  the  collections  in  the  National  Museum,  it  is  proper 
to  refer  most  of  the  collections  to  the  Smithsonian  Institution,  as  the 
Museum  is  under  the  control  of  the  latter.  The  sources  of  last 
year’s  receipts  were  as  follows : 

Donations ; exchanges ; collections  by  Government  expeditions, 
required  by  law  to  be  turned  over  to  the  Museum ; purchases  for  the 
Fisheries  Exhibition  from  a fund  specially  appropriated,  and  pur- 
chases from  a fund  of  $3,000  or  more,  which  the  Secretary  has  been 
able  to  save  from  various  sources  for  this  purpose.  The  last  named 
has  been  so  judiciously  applied  and  combined  with  other  Govern- 
ment work  as  to  have  enabled  the  Museum  to  acquire  most  valuable 
collections,  of  which  this  sum  spent  represents  but  a fraction  of  their 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


39 


real  value.  Various  branches  of  the  Government  have  contributed 
to  this  result  by  allowing  their  employes  in  the  field  to  make  collec- 
tions for  the  Institution  in  connection  with  their  regular  work.  It  is  to 
be  hoped  that  the  valuable  results  attained  with  such  a small  additional 
outlay  will  induce  Congress  to  make  some  of  the  annual  appropri- 
ation for  the  Museum  also  available  for  the  “ increase"  as  well  as 
the  “ preservation  ” of  the  collections.  In  fact,  the  Museum  cannot 
grow  in  proportion  to  the  demands  of  the  public  from  the  sources 
it  now  has  to  rely  on.  Those  considerations  which  call  for  the  ex- 
istence of  the  Museum  at  all  also  call  for  a liberal  fund  with  which 
to  send  out  collectors  and  purchase  valuable  material. 

The  collections  here  considered  are  those  entered  in  the  catalogue 
during  1883.  Some  of  the  collections  were  actually  made  in  pre- 
vious years,  but  they  have  been  stored  and  are  now  heard  from  for 
the  first  time. 

In  the  organization  of  the  National  Museum,  as  outlined  in  the 
“Proceedings  ” for  1881,  it  is  contemplated  classifying  the  anthro- 
pological material  under  three  departments : I,  Antiquities ; II, 
Races  of  Men;  and  III,  Arts  and  Industries.  The  Assistant  Director 
is  Curator  of  the  last  named  and  Dr.  Rau  of  the  first ; but  other- 
wise the  work  embraced  under  the  second  department,  “Races  of 
Men,”  is  really  carried  on  under  Arts  and  Industries  under  the 
general  supervision  of  the  Assistant  Director. 

The  general  routine  work  is  as  follows : 

Collections,  on  receipt  at  the  Museum,  are  acknowledged  and 
given  an  accession  number  by  the  Registrar,  who  files  under  this 
number  all  manuscript  accompanying  the  various  collections.  Each 
collection  is  classified  or  divided  up  and  the  proper  portions  sent 
to  the  various  departments  or  sections,  where  each  specimen  or  lot 
of  similar  specimens  is  entered  in  the  ethnological  catalogue  and 
given  a Museum  number,  which  is  painted  on  the  specimen  for  its 
future  identification.  The  entry  in  this  catalogue  is  briefly  made 
under  the  following  heads : 

Museum  Number ; Collector’s  Number;  Name;  Locality;  When 
Collected;  Nature  of  Object;  Accession  Number;  Measurements; 
Received  from  or  Collected  by;  Cost;  When  Entered;  Number  of 
Specimens;  Remarks. 

The  descriptive  cards  to  be  printed  to  accompany  each  specimen 
are  then  written,  access  being  had  to  the  manuscript  in  the  hands 
of  the  Registrar  to  get  full  data,  and  the  collection  is  arranged  and 
sent  to  the  preparators  for  installation  in  the  Museum. 


40 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


ACCESSIONS  FOR  1 883,  DEPARTMENT  OF  ANTIQUITIES. 

Five  thousand  three  hundred  and  thirty-nine  specimens  were  re- 
ceived, making  a total  now  on  hand  of  40,491.  Three  thousand 
five  hundred  and  fourteen  different  specimens  were  placed  on  exhi- 
bition, making  a total  display  of  24,731.  The  purely  ethnological 
material  is  being  gradually  taken  over  to  the  Museum  building,  and 
soon  the  entire  main  hall  of  the  Smithsonian  building  will  be  devoted 
entirely  to  antiquities.  The  great  bulk  of  the  collections  in  this 
department  are  in  storage,  and  of  this  the  material  on  hand  for 
exchange  is  very  large. 

The  greater  part  of  the  receipts  this  year  are  miscellaneous  col- 
lections from  all  over  the  world  (France,  India,  Alaska,  Central 
America,  and  Mexico),  but  principally  from  our  own  country  and 
presented  by  patrons  of  the  Institution. 

The  principal  foreign  collections  are  as  follows : 

Two  hundred  specimens  from  Ometepec  Island,  Lake  Nicaragua, 
by  C.  C.  Nutting,  who  was  sent  out  by  the  Institution.  It  embraces 
remains  from  graves,  such  as  clay  vessels,  arrow-heads,  and  rude 
stone  carvings.  The  collector  only  got  these  incidentally,  as  his 
principal  collection  was  the  birds  of  that  region. 

A collection  from  Los  Novillos,  Costa  Rica,  by  M.  C.  Keith,  em- 
bracing about  15  rude  stone  images  or  carvings  of  human  figures. 
These  are  now  mounted  in  the  National  Museum.  A collection  of 
casts  from  the  paper  moulds  received  from  the  Trocadero  Museum, 
Paris,  made  by  M.  Charnay  and  presented  by  Mr.  Lorillard  to  the 
National  Museum.  The  collection  is  too  familar  to  all  to  need  any 
comment  at  my  hands.  There  are  about  82  reproductions  of  inscrip- 
tions, carvings,  temples,  altars,  door-posts,  etc.,  from  Palenque, 
Mexico,  Merida,  Yucatan,  Chichenitza , Lorillard  City , and  other  less 
important  places. 

A small  collection  of  about  15  specimens  from  Alaska,  col- 
lected by  McKay  just  before  his  death,  which  will  be  alluded  to 
later.  The  collection  embraces  only  a few  Eskimo  stone  imple- 
ments and  carvings. 

So  far  this  year  (1884)  a collection  has  been  received  from  J.  J. 
McLean,  of  the  Signal  Service,  from  the  shell  heaps  of  Cape  Men- 
docino, Cal.,  besides  the  usual  number  of  miscellaneous  articles 
donated  to  the  Institution. 

In  the  Department  of  Arts  and  Industries  the  various  sections  have 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


41 


not  as  yet  all  been  put  in  operation.  The  well-organized  special 
sections  are  at  present  only  two,  materia  Medica  and  Foods  and  Tex- 
tile Fabrics.  The  fisheries  section  is  well-organized  as  a sub-section, 
so  to  speak,  but  it  will  be  some  time  yet  before  hunting  can  be  taken 
up  in  connection  with  it. 

Dr.  Flint  has  the  materia  medica  collection  well  in  hand.  In  a 
general  way  it  is  intended  to  illustrate  the  medicines  in  use  in 
highly  civilized  countries  at  the  present  day,  as  well  as  the  collec- 
tions peculiar  to  certain  countries.  Of  the  latter  the  Museum  has  a 
small  collection  from  Corea,  one  from  China,  and  quite  a complete 
one  from  India.  (This  India  collection  of  course  represents  only 
native  medicines.)  To  the  collection  in  1883  were  added  over  1,000 
specimens,  the  addition  to  the  general  collections  being  supplemental 
— i.  e. , intended  to  fill  out  the  present  exhibit  of  the  medicines  of  civ- 
ilized nations  obtained  from  wholesale  drug  houses  in  this  country. 
Quite  a unique  collection  of  mineral  waters  from  all  parts  of  the 
world  is  included  in  the  latter.  The  additions  to  the  special  col- 
lections in  1883  may  be  summed  up  as  follows  : 

1.  About  275  specimens  from  the  Kurrachee  Museum,  India. 

2.  Fifty  specimens  or  more  from  the  Madras  Museum. 

3.  Ten  specimens  of  Cinchona  bark  of  different  kinds  from 
Ceylon,  presented  from  the  Government  of  India. 

4.  Seventeen  specimens  presented  by  the  Corean  Embassy. 

5.  no  accessions  from  the  Royal  Botanical  Gardens  at  Kew. 

The  Section  of  Foods  and  Textile  Fabrics  embraces  more  than 

the  name  implies — i.  e.,  food-stuffs,  narcotics,  distillations,  drinks, 
furs  and  leathers,  fibres,  cordage,  textile  fabrics,  needle-work,  bas- 
ket-work, paper,  etc.  Mr.  Hitchcock  has  been  in  charge  only  since 
November,  last.  The  collection  of  textiles  now  on  exhibition  is 
not  a- very  large  one,  and  consists  mainly  of  the  raw  materials  used, 
such  as  wood , silk,  cotton , jute,  manilla,  hemp,  bark,  grasses,  etc. 
In  mats,  cloths,  etc.,  little  has  been  as  yet  installed.  The  reserve 
collection  is  a large  and  valuable  one.  The  Zunians,  Navajos, 
Indians  of  northwest  coast,  (particularly  the  Nootkas  and  Haidahs,) 
the  South  Sea  Islanders,  and  the  natives  of  the  Phillipines,  West 
Indies,  Central  America,  and  elsewhere  are  well  represented,  and 
when  this  collection  is  finally  installed  it  will  be  a valuable  addi- 
tion to  the  collections  on  exhibition.  Little  attempt  has  as  yet  been 
made  to  illustrate  the  fabrics  of  civilized  nations,  but  these  are  easily 
obtained  when  desired  by  purchase  in  this  and  other  countries. 


42 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


The  collection  of  North  American  Indian  foods,  embracing  over 
250  specimens,  is  classified  and  on  exhibition.  The  descriptive 
cards  are  in  the  hands  of  the  printer.  There  are  small  classified 
collections  of  foods  from  China,  India,  and  other  countries,  but 
the  miscellaneous  collection  has  not  as  yet  been  classified.  In  rep- 
resenting the  foods  of  civilized  nations,  specimens  can  be  obtained 
very  readily  when  desired.  At  present  the  principal  collection  of 
such  foods  is  one  prepared  for  the  Fisheries  Exhibition.  It  will 
form  a part  of  that  exhibit  in  the  Museum,  as  only  a few  representa- 
tive specimens  will  be  kept  out  to  go  with  the  food  collection 
proper. 

The  large  collections  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology  from  Zuni  and 
the  Moquis  and  New  Mexican  pueblos  were,  last  November,  turned 
over  to  the  National  Museum  for  installation.  On  the  publication 
of  notes  by  the  Bureau,  and  on  the  return  of  Mr.  Cushing  from 
Zuni,  these  collections  will  be  written  up.  Not  enough  is  known  of 
the  ceremonial  material  to  attempt  such  a thing  at  present.  The 
collection  of  pottery  is  simply  exhaustive.  It  is  now  in  the  hands 
of  Mr.  Holmes,  as  is  the  entire  pottery  collection  of  North  America. 
Incidentally,  it  may  be  mentioned  here  that  a fine  collection  of  pot- 
tery was  also  received  from  Chiriqui,  and  is  now  installed  with  the 
North  American  pottery. 

The  general  Zuni  and  Moqui  collections  comprise  6,370  entries 
for  1883,  but  as  three  or  four  specimens  are  sometimes  entered  under 
one  number,  this  does  not  approximate  to  its  real  size.  It  embraces 
basket  ware,  pottery,  gourds,  grinding  stones  or  mortars,  weapons, 
and  ceremonial,  hous’ehold,  agricultural,  and  industrial  implements. 

A large  portion  of  the  archaeological  collections  of  the  Bureau 
of  Ethnology  from  the  mounds  of  the  United  States  was  also  turned 
over  to  the  Department  of  Antiquities  some  months  since.  No 
mention  of  these  specimens  was  made  under  that  head.  Prof. 
Cyrus  Thomas  has  worked  up  these  collections,  and  the  results  are 
published  under  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology.  Collections  have  been 
made  under  the  Bureau,  throughout  all  the  important  localities  from 
Dakota  Territory  to  Florida,  and  from  Nevada  to  the  New  Eng- 
land States.  These  collections  of  aboriginal  remains  embrace  skulls, 
bones,  celts,  fragments  of  pottery,  and  walls  of  dwellings,  shells, 
copper  and  iron  implements,  flints,  flakes,  pipes,  arrow-heads,  per- 
forated tablets,  stone  discs,  ceremonial  stones,  etc. 

The  entries  for  1883  comprise  3,544  numbers,  which  is  much  more 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


43 


than  the  accessions  of  the  Department  of  Antiquities  itself,  when 
we  consider  that  several  of  specimens  are  entered  sometimes  under 
one  number.  Four  specimens  -of  quartz  celts  from  near  Madras, 
India,  are  among  the  accessions  from  the  Bureau. 

Among  the  most  important  collections  made  by  employes  of  the 
Government,  in  connection  with  their  regular  work  under  other 
branches,  and  which  were  paid  for  out  of  the  fund  previously  alluded 
to,  may  be  mentioned  : 

A collection  from  Wm.  J.  Fisher,  the  Coast  Survey  tidal  observer  on 
Kadiak  Island,  Alaska,  who  made  several  trips  on  the  peninsula  and 
mainland.  It  embraces  about  ioo  specimens,  the  most  interesting 
being  some  heavy  elaborate  bead -work  head-dresses,  some  of  them 
weighing  as  much  as  2%  pounds. 

The  collections  made  by  the  United  States  Signal  Service  observers 
are  as  follows : 

1.  One,  by  C.  L.  McKay,  from  in  and  around  Bristol  Bay,  north 
of  the  Alaska  peninsula,  from  the  Nushagag-mut  and  Ogulmut 
Eskimos  of  that  region,  about  45  specimens  in  all,  including  a full 
outfit  for  a Beluga  whale-hunter,  which  was  exhibited  in  London 
last  year.  This  outfit  includes  harpoons,  lines,  buoys,  extra  heads, 
killing  lances,  etc.  A second  collection  of  about  50  or  60  speci- 
mens, consisting  of  household  utensils  and  articles  of  personal  adorn- 
ment, were  received  after  the  death  of  McKay.  He  was  drowned  in 
April,  1883,  while  out  in  a kyak  in  Nushagak  river  in  bad  weather. 

2.  One,  by  J.  J.  McLean,  from  around  Sitka,  which  had  been 
pretty  well  worked  up  by  other  collectors.  Besides  the  usual  lot  of 
wooden  carvings,  kantags,  or  wooden  dishes,  etc.,  there  are  some 
fine  specimens  of  native  wicker  and  basket  work  in  the  collection 
(made  from  a species  of  plant,  Iris  tenax). 

3.  A kyak,  with  complete  fittings,  from  Greenland,  deposited  by 
the  chief  signal  officer  of  the  army.  (It  was  exhibited  in  London.) 

4.  The  Point  Barrow  collection,  which  was  brought  down  when 
the  expedition  returned  recently.  The  collection  is  a good  one, 
and  embraces  over  700  specimens.  Mr.  Murdock  is  now  working 
up  the  collection,  and  I will  not'anticipate  his  report.  Part  of  the 
earlier  collection  which  came  down  on  the  “Corwin”  went  to 
London  to  the  Fisheries  Exhibit. 

5.  Mr.  Stejneger,  of  the  Signal  Service,  made  a small  collection 
from  the  Aleuts  on  Behring  Island,  Commander  group  (off  the  coast 


44 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


of  Kamschatka).  There  are  some  interesting  models  of  fox  and 
bear  traps  and  boats,  some  seal-skin  costumes  worn  in  their  native 
dances,  besides  some  accessories  of  costumes  peculiar  to  the  Aleuts. 

6.  A collection  coming  more  properly  under  1884  was  received 
several  weeks  since  from  L.  M.  Turner,  of  the  Signal  Service,  from 
the  Eskimos  of  Ungava  Bay,  North  Labrador.  It  is  a fine  one  and 
embraces  over  450  specimens.  The  articles  have  not  the  oily,  used 
look  that  most  Eskimo  implements  have,  which  indicates  that  other 
collectors  have  been  among  them  recently,  although  a great  many 
specimens  are  models  of  traps,  snow-shoes,  tobogans,  and  spears, 
and  are  necessarily  new.  There  are  some  large  tobogans  and  snow- 
shoes  of  a peculiar  pattern  that  will  be  alluded  to  below.  The  cos- 
tumes are  peculiarly  handsome,  and  show  the  effects  of  contact 
with  civilization. 

A second  collection  from  Fisher,  made  in  the  Aleutian  Archi- 
pelago and  Alaska  Peninsula,  has  just  been  received.  It  consists 
of  about  120  specimens  of  costumes,  peculiar  Aleutian  hats,  house- 
hold utensils,  accessories  of  costume,  etc. 

Among  the  small  purchased  collections  may  be  mentioned : A 
Zuni  sacred  blanket,  one  hundred  Peruvian  water-bottles  or  huacas, 
and  some  shoes,  hats,  dishes,  baskets,  etc.,  (from  the  La  Costa 
Indians  of  South  California.)  woven  of  mescal  fibre  and  palm-leaves. 

1.  Among  the  principal  donations  are  40  musical  instruments, 
supplemental  to  the  set  of  American  musical  instruments,  all  pre- 
sented by  M.  J.  Howard  Foote,  of  31  Maiden  Lane,  New  York. 

2.  The  original  Catlin  collection  of  Indian  portraits,  etc.,  painted 
by  him  during  his  eight  years  amongst  the  48  tribes,  of  which  he  has 
handed  down  to  us  these  most  valuable  ethnological  records.  There 
are  about  500  in  the  collection  which  Mrs.  Harrison,  of  Philadel- 
phia, has  so  generously  presented  to  the  Institution.  One  hundred 
and  fifty  have  been  selected  and  placed  on  exhibition  in  the  lecture 
room  of  the  National  Museum,  and  arrangements  are  being  made 
to  increase  the  exhibit.  The  selection  now  exhibited  is  one  from 
each  small  tribe,  two  or  more  from  the  important  tribes,  and  a set 
illustrating  hunting  scenes,  ceremqnial  dances,  etc. 

3.  At  the  close  of  the  Boston  Exhibition  recently  some  50  musical 
instruments,  numerous  clay  figures,  and  various  other  specimens 
were  presented  to  the  Institution  by  Surindro  Mohun  Tagore,  Rajah 
of  one  of  the  provinces  of  India  and  president  of  the  .Bengal  music 
school.  The  collection  of  musical  instruments  is  accompanied  by 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


45 


full  notes,  and  the  Museum  is  taking  steps  to  obtain  a supplemental 
collection  to  complete  the  series.  This  collection  was  installed  a 
few  days  since  and  is  now  on  exhibition. 

Among  the  principal  exchange  collections  are : 

i st.  Some  miscellaneous  weapons  from  Polynesia  and  South 
America,  obtained  at  the  Fisheries  Exhibition. 

2d.  Some  1 6 musical  instruments  and  accessories  from  Tiflis, 
in  the  Caucasus,  obtained  through  Mr.  Engleman,  of  St.  Louis. 

3d.  About  40  specimens  from  the  Leipzig  Museum,  consisting 
of  knives,  bows,  arrows,  baskets,  mats,  etc. , from  Africa,  particu- 
larly the  Loango  Coast  and  Gaboon  river,  on  the  west  coast.  The 
admirable  native  steel  implements  are  well  illustrated.  This  col- 
lection, combined  with  a few  stray  or  miscellaneous  articles  and  a 
small  collection  by  Rev.  Dr.  Gurley,  constitutes  but  a meagre 
African  ethnological  exhibit. 

The  Museum  has  just  sent  to  the  Trocadero,  at  Paris,  an  ethno- 
logical collection  selected  from  the  material  in  its  possession,  and 
doubtless  their  exchange  will  embrace  some  additions  to  the  above. 

Mr.  J.  G.  Swan,  in  addition  to  the  regular  collection  which  he 
sends  in  from  time  to  time,  made  last  summer  a special  trip  for  the 
Smithsonian  Institution  to  the  Queen  Charlotte  Islands,  B.  C., 
and  the  results  have  just  been  received. 

In  the  early  part  of  the  year  he  sent  in  some  photographs  and 
about  100  specimens  supplemental  to  his  series  of  collections  illus- 
trating the  fisheries  of  the  Indians  in  and  around  Cape  Flattery, 
W.  I.  (The  complete  collections  went  to  London.) 

In  the  trip  referred  to  above  he  started  from  Masset  Sound  (N. 
Graham  Island)  and  coasted  around  the  west  side,  then  through 
Skidegate  Channel  to  the  southeast  coast ; then  home  to  Victoria. 
Now  that  he  has  partially  carried  out  his  long-cherished  desire,  it 
is  to  be  hoped  that  his  forthcoming  notes  will  prove  as  valuable  as 
his  notes  previously  published.  A better  knowledge  of  the  Haidah 
totems  and  totemic  carvings  is  desired.  The  collection  is  rich  in 
masks,  wood-carvings,  ladles,  ancient  stone  implements,  ropes, 
clubs,  shaman’s  wands,  ceremonial  bows,  whistles,  rattles,  fishing 
gear,  etc.,  but  particularly  so  in  the  slate  carvings,  of  which  he  sends 
30  specimens — dishes,  boxes,  and  models  of  totem  posts.  There 
was  already  on  hand  a sufficient  number  of  specimens  to  illustrate 
the  Haidah  wood  carvings  and  working  in  silver,  but  the  additions 
to  the  slate  carvings  have  made  it  appear  desirable  to  install  the 


-46 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


latter  as  a monographic  collection  illustrating  this  art,  which  alone 
places  the  Haidahs  at  the  head  of  the  Indians  of  the  northwest 
coast. 

A comparison  and  study  of  all  the  carvings  from  the  Haidahs  is 
to  be  made,  as  it  is  difficult  for  the  uninitiated  to  make  out  or  dis- 
tinguish between  the  conventional  representation  of  animals.  The 
Haidak  totemism  and  mythology  offer  a most  promising  field  to 
investigators. 

Mr.  Swan  is  anxious  to  make  another  trip,  during  the  coming 
season,  a attend  to  great  celebration  to  be  held  in  the  fall.  The 
Director  has  the  matter  now  under  consideration. 

The  Fisheries  Exhibit,  having  returned  from  London,  is  now 
turned  over  to  the  Museum,  and  will  form  a monographic  collection. 
The  Makah  Exhibit,  collected  by  Swan,  and  the  Eskimo,  whale, 
seal,  and  walrus  hunting  outfits  are  peculiarly  interesting  to  anthro- 
pologists. 

In  the  matter  of  exchange,  the  Museum  has  recently  sent  to  the 
Trocadero,  at  Paris,  a small  collection  of  models  of  ruins  and  cliff- 
dwellings,  ethnological  material  from  Zuhi , Moqui , and  our  Western 
Indians.  The  Museum  has  available  for  exchange  a great  deal  of 
material  from  the  collections  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology  and  the 
northwest  coast  and  Alaska  collections. 

In  the  matter  of  collecting  every  year  increases  the  value  of  ethno- 
logical material.  When  Congress  shall  wake  up  to  the  necessities 
of  making  more  liberal  appropriations  it  will  be  found  that  it  has 
been  false  economy  to  delay  in  the  matter.  A few  thousand  dollars 
now  will  represent  a much  greater  outlay  in  future  years. 

The  outlook  for  anthropological  collections  for  1884  is  not  so 
encouraging.  Fisher,  McLean,  and  Swan  will  be  the  main  sources. 
No  one  has  yet  taken  McKay’s  place,  and  Nelson  has  permanently 
withdrawn.  Greely’s  party  must  have  abandoned  their  collections 
North,  and  the  present  relief  expedition  can  hardly  accomplish 
much.  Foulk  and  Bernadon  may  be  heard  from  in  Corea. 

As  stated  originally  the  year  1883  has  been  a prosperous  one  for 
the  Smithsonian  and  National  Museum. 

REMARKS  ON  THE  CLASSIFICATION  AND  ORGANIZATION  OF  THE 
NATIONAL  MUSEUM. 

As  a rule  the  earlier  collections  have  lost  much  of  their  value, 
both  from  the  want  of  care  in  preserving  the  accompanying  data, 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


47 


and  from  the  absolute  neglect  of  the  collectors  to  forward  any.  A 
little  preliminary  experience  of  collectors  in  the  Museum,  before 
going  into  the  field,  would  impress  it  forcibly  on  the  minds  of  such 
that  the  descriptive  cards  should  be  practically  written  by  the  col- 
lectors in  the  field.  Nelson  and  Swan  have  shown  the  best  realiza- 
tion of  this  principle.  The  general  form  of  the  descriptive  card 
adapted  to  the  Museum,  to  accompany  each  specimen  exhibited,  is 
as  follows : 


Object,  (local  or  native  name).  Materials  of  which  made  ; 

brief  description;  use.  Tribe  or  person  by  which  used. 

Dimensions,  length, , breadth, , etc. 

Exact  locality,  18 — , (date  of  collection).  Museum  number. 

How  and  through  whom  acquired. 

Fuller  and  more  special  notes  in  smaller  type  are  appended  as  to 
origin,  special  variation  in  form  and  use  in  various  localities,  notes 
on  the  general  series  of  which  the  specimen  is  a representative. 


Each  object  or  general  series  of  objects  is  to  be  accompanied  by 
such  a label  or  card  further  supplemented  by  pictures  or  photographs 
when  necessary  to  more  clearly  illustrate  how  the  object  is  used  or 
worn,  or  to  show  pattern  where  the  object  is  folded  or  obscured. 
The  cards  are  printed  on  herbarium  board.  Those  on  white  paper 
are  to  send  to  other  museums,  preserve  as  records,  and  for  use  in 
making  up  the  catalogues  which  will  eventually  be  published. 

(Ed.  : Specimens  were  here  exhibited  of  cards  and  photographs 
taken  from  specimens  already  on  exhibition  in  the  Museum.) 

Cards  are  now  being  attached  to  the  specimens  already  out,  and 
a plan  is  under  way  to  collect  all  the  ethnological  material  not  yet 
installed  in  one  large  store-room,  where  it  is  to  be  systematically 
classified.  The  incoming  collections  can  be  distributed  according 
to  the  plan  adopted,  and  duplicates  can  be  selected  before  this  tem- 
porary storage.  This  plan  will  greatly  facilitate  the  routine  work. 

Greater  progress  has  not  been  made  in  installing  and  describing 
the  specimens  and  collections  for  many  reasons,  but  principally  on 
account  of  the  various  exhibits  prepared  at  the  Museum,  which  have 
diverted  a large  part  of  the  force  from  the  regular  work,  and  besides 
this  experiments  are  being  made  as  to  cases  and  styles  of  mounting 


48 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


general  and  special  exhibits.  Moreover  the  force  employed  is  not 
very  large,  but  when  the  Fish  Exhibit  is  permanently  installed  there 
will  be  more  men  available  for  the  routine  work. 

Recently  published  criticisms  on  the  classification  and  method  of 
arrangement  now  provisionally  adopted  in  the  Museum  have  shown 
to  a certain  extent  that  there  is  a misunderstanding  as  to  just  how 
far  the  Museum  is  committed  to  any  definite  plan.  The  adopted 
unit  box,  in  which  specimens  from  the  same  locality  are  mounted 
for  exhibition,,  enables  a provisional  classification  to  be  adopted. 
The  boxes  slide  in  and  out  of  the  cases,  and  the  whole  character  of 
the  present  arrangement  can  be  altered  and  radically  changed  in  a 
day.  By  putting  only  a few  specimens  in  each  box,  room  is  left 
for  future  collections  supplemental  to  those  now  installed. 

Classification  and  method  of  installation  depend  upon  various 
considerations.  The  material  on  hand  determines  the  former,  and 
experiment  and  trial  the  latter.  Without  going  at  all  into  the  sub- 
ject of  Museum  classifications  in  general,  or  into  the  future  arrange- 
ment of  the  National  Museum,  it  seems  that  every  immediate  con- 
sideration demands  something  like  the  present  one,  however  much 
it  may  be  understood  or  misunderstood  from  the  published  bulletins 
to  that  effect. 

The  broad  aim  of  the  present  plan  is  a teleologic  classification, 
one  by  use  rather  than  by  morphology.  The  comparative  method 
has  been  adopted  in  preference  to  the  ethnographic  because  it  is 
demanded  by  the  nature  of  the  material  on  hand,  and  to  a certain 
extent  better  suited  to  the  American  mental  habit  of  analysis  and 
comparison.  I will  try  and  illustrate  these  points  by  special  ex- 
amples. 

For  a few  tribes  and  regions  an  ethnographical  arrangement 
would  answer  admirably,  viz. , the  Eskimos , Zunians , Moquis,  Hai- 
dahs , Makahs,  and  our  Western  and  Alaska  Indians,  but  such  a 
general  plan  would  be  absurd  and  but  show  up  the  meagerness  of 
our  collections  from  every  other  region.  Picture  Corea  with  two 
small  trays  of  stuff  that  can  but  be  vaguely  referred  to  it,  Africa 
with  three,  and  South  America  with  only  several  cases ! Even  our 
Japanese,  Chinese,  and  Indian  collections  would  hardly  admit  of 
such  an  arrangement.  Should  Congress  become  suddenly  liberal 
and  place  a fund  at  the  disposition  of  the  Museum  to  enable  it  to 
send  out  intelligent  collectors  well  informed  as  to  the  Museum’s  wants 
it  would  doubtless  occur  in  the  course  of  time  that  an  ethnographic 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


49 


arrangement  would  be  demanded  as  the  only  natural  one  (supple- 
mented of  course  by  occasional  and  separate  comparative  collec- 
tions.) With  the  miscellaneous  collections  that  are  likely  to  come 
in,  however,  unless  Congress  does  make  special  appropriations,  the 
present  arrangement  is  likely  to  be  found  the  best  one.  A thorough 
and  exhaustive  ethnographic  collection  would  show  each  product  of 
a country’s  civilization  in  the  different  stages  of  its  evolution  and 
development,  but  with  a miscellaneous  and  scattered  collection  we 
must  draw  on  various  countries  to  illustrate  this  development. 

A recent  article  on  museum  classification  says  “The  comparative 
method  necessarily  cuts  across  the  natural  order  of  things  in  their 
relations  to  time;  and  this  is  an  obvious  defect,  which,  when  ap- 
plied to  anthropological  collections,  is  destructive  of  all  natural 
conceptions  as  to  the  way  in  which  modifications  and  changes  really 
arise  or  flow  out  of  pre-existing,  localized,  or  racial  conditions.” 
It  seems  to  me,  as  far  as  I may  express  any  opinion  on  the  subject, 
that  the  question  tends  to  settle  itself  thus. 

With  exhaustive  collections  from  representative  tribes  and  with 
sufficient  funds  to  fill  out  or  supplement  the  collections  the  ethno- 
graphic plan  is  the  most  desirable  one. 

With  scattered  and  miscellaneous  collections  the  comparative 
method  makes  the  best  use  of  the  material. 

The  Museum  plan  is  an  improvement  on  each  of  the  above,  as  it 
combines  the  advantages  of  both.  The  classification  provisionally 
adopted  is  a teleologic  one,  subject  to  special  modifications  to  suit 
special  cases.  To  illustrate  this: 

In  the  Museum  there  is  a collection  of  pipes  from  all  parts  of  the 
world.  The  Haidah  carved  black  slate  pipe  stands  out  as  unique, 
and  it  might  seem  that  the  fault  in  this  comparative  method  of  ar- 
rangement is  that  it  does  not  form  a fair  comparison  of  the  intelli- 
gence or  artistic  tastes  and  abilities  of  the  various  tribes  represented. 
It  might  be  argued  that  possibly  the  pipe  was  the  only  thing  they 
could  carve  or  do  carve.  An  ethnographic  collection  from  this 
people  would  show  that  they  carve  equally  surprisingly  in  wood, 
bone,  etc.,  and  have  a great  deal  of  artistic  taste.  The  Museum, 
recognizing  this,  makes  a separate  monographic  collection  and  ex- 
hibition of  Haidah  carvings,  so  we  have  one  or  two  Haidah  pipes 
in  the  pipe  collection,  and,  besides  this,  one  or  two  in  a mono- 
graphic collection  of  Haidah  carvings. 

It  is  aimed  in  all  cases  where  such  arrangement  may  seem  to  be 
4 


50 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


desired  to  thus  draw  off  certain  small  ethnographic  and  monographic 
collections  to  call  attention  to  any  instructive  peculiarities  of  any 
tribe  or  race.  It  also  happens  at  times  that  large  objects  have  to 
be  left  out  of  a comparative  collection.  In  fact,  any  classification 
must  be  based  on  compromise  and  must  yield  to  exceptions. 

As  an  illustration  of  how  we  may  show  the  development  or  evo- 
lution of  any  object  with  a widely  scattered  collection  let  us  take 
the  snow-shoe  collection  in  the  Museum.  It  is  mounted  on  screens 
in  the  comparative  style.  If  we  had  exhaustive  collections  from 
any  one  stock  of  Indians,  say,  we  might  show  this  development  step 
by  step  (by  the  ethnographic  method)  from  the  time  they  borrowed 
or  originated  the  idea  up  to  its  highest  development,  as  shown. 
With  the  material  at  the  Museum  this  evolution  can  only  be  sug- 
gested, as  the  steps  are  very  wide,  and  intermediate  ones  are  not  at 
hand.  We  must  in  this  adopt  Mr.  Spencer’s  plan  of  illustrating 
primitive  man  by  our  present  savage  tribe. 

DISCUSSION. 

Prof.  Mason  called  attention  to  the  advantages  derived  from  a 
systematic  classification  and  arrangement  of  the  material  in  great 
collections  like  that  of  the  Smithsonian  Institution.  He  also  said 
that  an  organized  effort  should  be  made  looking  toward  a full  utili- 
zation of  the  many  resources  afforded  by  the  various  departments  of 
the  Government  for  information  valuable  to  the  student  of  an- 
thropology, and  that  the  attention  of  the  scientific  world  should  be 
directed  to  the  scope  and  character  of  these  resources. 

Mr.  Flint  spoke  of  the  manner  in  which  aboriginal  ideas  had 
been  followed  up  and  finally  developed,  illustrating  his  remarks  by 
showing  how  a study  of  the  possibilities  of  the  arrow  as  a projectile 
had  resulted  in  its  use  for  throwing  explosives  under  a heavy  air 
pressure,  for  whichvseveral  patents  have  already  issued. 


Eightieth  Regular  Meeting,  March  15,  1884. 

Major  J.  W.  Powell,  President,  in  the  Chair. 

The  Secretary  of  the  Council  reported  the  election  of  the  follow- 
ing-named gentlemen  as  corresponding  members  of  the  Society : 

Charles  C.  Abbott,  Trenton,  N.  J. 

Henry  B.  Adams,  Baltimore,  Md. 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


51 


Rev.  Joseph  Anderson,  Waterbury,  Conn. 

Mr.  H.  H.  Bancroft,  San  Francisco,  Cal. 

Mr.  Ad.  F.  Bandelier,  San  Francisco,  Cal. 

Dr.  Daniel  G.  Brinton,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Mr.  Lucien  Carr,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Mr.  John  Collett,  Indianapolis,  Indiana. 

Mr.  A.  J.  Conant,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 

Dr.  George  J.  Engelmann,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 

Prof.  Basil  Gildersleeve,  Baltimore,  Md. 

Mr.  Horatio  Hale,  Clinton,  Ontario,  Canada. 

Prof.  G.  Stanley  Hall,  Baltimore,  Md. 

Col.  H.  H.  Hilder,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 

Dr.  C.  C.  Jones,  Augusta,  Ga. 

Rev.  George  A.  Leakin,  Baltimore,  Md. 

Prof.  E.  S.  Morse,  Salem,  Mass. 

Prof.  Raphael  Pumpelly,  Newport,  R.  I. 

Prof.  F.  W.  Putnam,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Col.  Charles  Whittlesey,  Cleveland,  O. 

Dr.  Daniel  Wilson,  Toronto,  Canada. 

Mr.  H.  H.  Bates  read  a paper  entitled  ‘ 1 Discontinuities  in 
Nature’s  Methods,”  of  which  the  following  is  a synopsis: 

The  ingenious  analogy  drawn  by  Mr.  Babbage,  in  the  ninth 
Bridgewater  treatise,  from  the  operations  of  his  calculating  machine, 
to  enforce  an  argument  in  favor  of  the  conceivability  of  miracle, 
by  bringing  it  under  the  domain  of  law,  was  cited  as  illustrating  some 
of  the  discontinuities  of  evolution,  confessedly  the  result  of  simi- 
lar complexities  of  natural  law. 

The  great  discontinuity  involved  in  the  passage  from  inorganic 
to  organic  life,  which  we  infer  to  have  taken  place  under  law,  but 
do  not  understand,  was  adverted  to.  Also  such  apparent  discon- 
tinuities as  the  passage  from  invertebrate  to  vertebrate  life,  or  the 
introduction  of  mammalian  life,  from  lower  forms,  with  the  obser- 
vation that  wherever  nature  seems  to  have  carried  specialization  to 
its  full  extent  and  to  have  exhausted  the  possibilities  of  structure 
by  mere  differentiation  she  is  found  to  have  laid  the  foundation  for 
a new  differentiation,  and  a new  specialization,  with  higher  possi- 
bilities, from  a different  stem  low  down  in  the  scale,  constituting  an 
apparent  discontinuity,  on  account  of  the  obscurity  and  feebleness 
and  instability  of  the  first  unspecialized  departures,  by  which  they 


52 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


were  either  unobserved  or  early  obliterated  through  the  operation 
of  competition. 

Passing  over  the  wide  domain  of  biology,  which  affords  so  many 
instances  of  this  complexity  of  natural  action,  illustrations  of  the 
same  law  were  sought  in  the  domain  of  anthropology.  The  ad- 
vent of  man,  and  his  means  of  progress,  affords  such  examples. 
The  development  of  the  inventive  faculty,  as  the  distinguishing  char- 
acteristic of  mind,  caused  a modification  of  the  old  plan  of  pro- 
gress by  natural  selection.  Instead  of  being  himself  modified  by 
nature,  as  hitherto,  man  began  to  act  upon  nature,  both  organic 
and  inorganic,  and  to  modify  it  to  his  needs,  as  Mr.  Ward  has 
pointed  out.  Henceforth  natural  selection  affected  only  mental 
and  ethnic  qualities,  through  modification  of  nervous  structure. 
Physical  modification  ceased  to  any  important  extent.  Instead  of 
developing  weapons,  man  constructed  extraneous  ones  for  his  use. 
With  these  he  conquered  competition  and  removed  the  rivals 
most  cognate  to  himself.  Militarism  ensued,  and  resulted  in  high 
specialization. 

Differentiation,  however,  soon  reaches  its  highest  results  in  this 
direction,  and  obstructs  further  progress.  An  apparent  discon- 
tinuity occurred  in  the  rise  of  industrialism  out  of  the  humbler  ele- 
ments of  society,  through  the  germination  of  inventions,  beginning 
with  the  rediscovery  of  gunpowder,  which  was  the  commence- 
ment of  the  downfall  of  militarism.  The  tool-making  and  tool- 
using faculty  came  into  prominence.  Peaceful  arts  began  to  flourish, 
man’s  condition  became  ameliorated,  and  a new  progress  supervened. 
The  new  direction  of  evolutionary  development  was  adverted  to. 
Man,  having  ceased  to  evolve  by  physical  selection,  evolves  by  ex- 
traneous organs.  Weapons  and  tools  were  the  beginning  of  these, 
but  he  has  also  now  enormously  developed  his  means  of  loco- 
motion, as  well  as  his  organs  of  special  sense  and  expression. 
His  eye  is  reinforced  by  the  telescope  and  microscope  and  any  op- 
tical device  he  needs  ; his  ear  by  the  telephone.  The  products  of 
artistic  industry  furnish  him  with  means  for  unlimited  gratification 
of  the  aesthetic  faculty  in  decoration.  The  culinary  art  relieves 
him  from  some  of  the  burdens  of  digestion  and  increases  his 
range  of  nutriment.  All  these  extraneous  means  constitute  a de- 
parture from  the  old  law  of  development  of  the  individual  by 
selection. 

Moral  and  ethical  development  have  not  made  a parallel  advance 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


53 


since  the  dawn  of  history,  on  account  of  the  lack  hitherto  of  any 
discovery  in  that  field  commensurate  with  the  important  dis- 
coveries which  modified  his  intellectual  progress.  Such  a discovery 
would  afford,  by  its  results,  an  instance  of  a true  and  beneficent 
discontinuity.  The  necessity  has  always  been  recognized,  and 
many  theories  broached  which  accomplished  great  temporary  re- 
sults, but  failed  of  permanent  fruit  for  want  of  confirmation. 

The  operation  of  discontinuities  in  the  complex  law  of  evolution 
is  not  always  or  necessarily  beneficent.  Nature  is  not  optimistic, 
and  discontinuties  are  known  to  have  occurred  which  were  disastrous 
and  retrograde,  as  geological  history  evinces.  Dissolution  is  in- 
volved in  evolution. 

DISCUSSION. 

Mr.  Lester  F.  Ward  said  that  he  welcomed  the  term  “discon- 
tinuity ” in  this  new  sense  as  supplying  a need  in  biology.  Its  old 
use  to  denote  actual  breaks  in  the  series  and  the  special  creation 
and  fixity  of  species  was  no  longer  believed  to  express  a scientific 
truth.  But  a special  term  was  needed  to  designate  certain  apparent 
breaks  which  occur  at  irregular  intervals  both  in  the  development 
of  life  and  of  society.  Among  these  he  enumerated  the  origin  of 
life  through  the  introduction  of  the  substance  protoplasm,  the  com- 
paratively abrupt  appearance  of  vertebrated  animals  which  seem  to 
have  been  developed  from  one  of  the  lowest  forms  of  invertebrate 
life,  the  equally  radical  change  which  resulted  in  • the  mammalian 
type,  and  the  remarkable  “short  cut”  by  which  man  was  reached 
through  the  lemurian  and  simian  stem,  leaving  the  other  great 
branches,  the  carnivora , ungulata , etc.,  entirely  out  of  his  path.  He 
had,  in  a paper  read  at  a previous  meeting,  laid  special  stress  upon  the 
similarly  sudden  introduction  of  the  developed  brain  of  man,  with 
its  momentous  consequences,  as  the  first  and  greatest  of  this  series 
of  anthropic  and  sociologic  strides  to  which  Mr.  Bates’  paper  was 
chiefly  devoted. 

In  reply  to  remarks  by  Dr.  Welling  and  Prof.  Thomas  inquiring 
how  this  kind  of  discontinuity  was  to  be  distinguished  from  the 
actual  breaks  postulated  by  the  old  school  of  biologists,  Mr.  Ward 
said  that  the  reconciliation  was  effected  through  a recognition  of 
the  now  well-established  law  of  the  ephemeral  character  of  transi- 
tion forms.  The  variations  of  structure  which  are  destined  to  re- 
sult in  the  dominant  type  take  place  at  a point  low  down  in  the 


54 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


scale.  The  first  modified  forms  are  few  and  feeble  and  leave  no 
permanent  record  of  their  existence.  The  modifications  required 
to  give  them  a firm  foothold  take  place  with  rapidity  and  the  inter- 
mediate gradations  are  lost.  The  first  evidence  the  investigator  has 
that  a new  departure  has  taken  place  is  the  appearance  of  the  more 
or  less  completely  modified  type,  and  it  seems  as  though  there  had 
been  a fresh  act  of  creation,  or  saltus . 

President  Welling  said  he  would  like  to  have  Mr.  Bates  ex- 
plain the  precise  sense  in  which  he  used  the  term  “ discontinuity  ” 
before  conceding  its  necessity  as  an  addition  to  scientific  nomen- 
clature. Without  such  explanation  it  would  perhaps  be  held  by 
many  that  the  facts  and  principles  recited  in  the  essay  were  suffici- 
ently covered  by  that  law  of  succession,  differentiation,  and  inte- 
gration which  the  reflective  mind  of  man  had  spelled  out  from  the 
ongoings  of  nature.  In  these  ongoings  there  had  been  constant 
discontinuations  as  well  of  processes  as  of  products,  but  no  discon- 
tinuity. If  any  actual  discontinuity  must  be  admitted  then  the 
whole  doctrine  of  evolution,  as  commonly  conceived,  must  fall  to 
the  ground,  for  that  doctrine  proceeds  on  the  assumption  of  per- 
petual continuity  amid  perpetual  discontinuations  in  natural  pro- 
cesses. These  perpetual  discontinuations  do  but  mark  out  the  line  of 
continuity  along  which  nature  has  worked  in  the  normal  movement 
and  projection  of  her  processes  and  products.  Discontinuations  are 
matters  of  fact,  but  the  principle  which  colligates  them  is  continuity , 
not  discontinuity . 

In  illustration  of  this  point  of  view  Mr.  Welling  then  cited  that 
latest  and  most  stupendous  evolution  of  man  in  society,  known  as 
international  law.  This  law  was  built  on  the  perpetual  discontinu- 
ation of  customs,  practices,  and  institutions  dating  from  the  most 
primitive  forms  of  social  organization  down  to  the  present  time, 
but  none  the  less  had  it  been  built  without  the  slightest  lesion  of 
continuity  in  the  process  of  its  evolution,  for  each  successive  differ- 
entiation in  social  and  national  relations  had  only  paved  the  way 
for  a new  integration  in  thought  and  action. 

Prof.  Thomas  said  that  he  agreed  with  Mr.  Bates  and  Prof.  Ward 
in  believing  that  the  term  “discontinuity”  was  properly  applied 
in  speaking  of  some  of  the  processes  of  nature.  In  following  up 
the  line  of  progress  in  the  development  of  animal  life  we  observed 
branches  shooting  out  on  either  hand.  For  illustration,  in  passing 
from  the  higher  Annuloida,  Huxley’s  Scolec.ida,  we  are  led  by  one 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


55 


line,  the  Annulosa,  to  the  Arthropoda,  culminating  in  the  higher  in- 
sects. Here  this  branch  appears  to  cease  and  is  wholly  separated 
from  any  of  the  higher  forms  of  animal  life.  Here  Prof.  Thomas 
believed  was  a true  discontinuity. 

On  the  other  hand,  starting  near  the  same  point,  was  another 
branch  embracing  the  mollusca. 

The  great  vertebrate  line,  instead  of  originating  from  any  of  the 
higher  forms  of  either  of  these  branches,  was  supposed  to  arise  di- 
rectly or  through  a few  transitional  forms  out  of  the  Tunicata,  the 
ascidian  form. 

There  are  many  diverging  branches,  and  as  it  appeared  to  be  a 
law  that  no  diverging  line  ever  returned  to  the  main  stem  or  co- 
alesced with  another  there  must  be  discontinuities.  No  evolutionist 
can  admit  that  there  are  any  absolute  gaps  or  breaks  in  the  line  of 
development,  as  this  would  be  fatal  to  his  theory.  The  line  must 
be  continous  or  the  theory  must  fall  to  the  ground. 

Mr.  Mason  said  that  phenomena  might  be  associated  in  such 
groups  as  to  be  habitually  observed  together.  Now,  the  mind  be- 
ing turned  for  a while  toward  one  part  of  a group,  returns  to  find  a 
great  change.  There  has  been  a discontinuity.  Let  us  further 
illustrate.  If  we  were  studying  Indian  pottery,  we  should  want  to 
investigate  the  material,  the  implementSj  the  agent,  the  process,  the 
finished  product,  and  the  design,  or  final  cause.  Here  are  six  sets 
of  entirely  different  observations,  the  discontinuance  of  any  one  of 
which  would  produce  an  apparent  discontinuity  in  the  final  result. 
The  material  might  give  out ; it  might  be  replaced  by  other  material ; 
new  tools  might  be  invented  or  imparted.  The  change  of  social 
order  might  throw  the  industry  into  other  hands,  as  for  instance, 
potter's  might  become  men  instead  of  women  The  introduction  of 
varied  processes,  the  multiplication  of  functions  by  the  increase  of 
wants  would  bring  about  the  same  result.  The  disconnections  are 
apparent  therefore,  they  are  not  real.  In  short,  discontinuity  any- 
where either  in  natural  or  social  phenomena  is  impossible. 

Eighty-First  Regular  Meeting,  April  i,  1884. 

Dr.  Robert  Fletcher,  Vice-President,  in  the  Chair. 

The  Secretary  of  the  Council  announced  the  election  of  the  fol- 
lowing members : 


56 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


Prince  Roland  Bonaparte,  St.  Cloud,  France;  Prof.  A.  Ponia- 
lovsky,  Sec.  Imperial  Russian  Archaeol.  Soc.,  St.  Petersburg ; Dr. 
Enrico  Giglioli,  V. -Pres.,  Anthropological  Soc.,  Florence,  Italy; 
Prof.  Johannes  Ranke,  Editor  Correspondenz-Blatt,  German  An- 
thropological Soc.,  and  Sec.  Anthropological  Soc.,  Munich. 

A paper  entitled  “ Recent  Indian  Graves  in  Kansas,”  pre- 
pared by  Dr.  Alton  H.  Thompson,  of  Topeka,  Kansas,  was  read 
by  Colonel  Seely. 

abstract. 

The  writer  in  1879  assisted  in  the  examination  of  four  graves  in 
an  old  burial  ground  connected  with  the  mission  to  the  Potta- 
wotomies,  six  miles  west  of  Topeka.  The  ground  appears  to  have 
been  the  site  of  a former  Indian  village,  believed  by  some  to  have 
been  occupied  by  Crows.  Careful  inquiry,  however,  makes  the 
identity  of  these  people  with  that  tribe  very  doubtful.  Three  of 
the  graves  were  accurately  oriented,  the  fourth  being  much  inclined, 
as  if  made  when  the  sun  was  at  its  northern  limit.  Besides  the 
bones  the  first  grave  yielded  quite  a number  of  metal  ornaments, 
consisting  of  disks  of  rolled  silver  with  stamped  perforations  and 
incised  ornamentation,  small  silver  buckles,  and  pieces  of  chains 
like  cheap  brass  watch-chains,  all  evidently  of  white  manufacture. 
The  traders  say  that  it  was  formerly  common  to  receive  designs 
from  the  Indians,  from  which  ornaments  were  made  and  furnished 
to  those  who  had  ordered  them.  Sometimes  they  also  procured 
sheets  of  brass  and  silver,  which  they  worked  according  to  their 
fancy.  Silver  coins,  particularly  the  old  Spanish  dollars,  were  often 
beaten  out  by  the  Indians  into  disks,  and  ornamented. 

The  condition  of  the  remains  in  the  first  grave  indicated  it  to  be 
much  more  ancient  than  the  others.  No  trace  of  clothing  or  of  any 
enclosure  for  the  body  appeared.  In  the  second,  a fracture  in  the 
skull  showed  that  the  person  had  probably  met  death  by  violence. 

The  body  had  been  enclosed  in  a hollow  log  or  in  bark.  In  this, 
and  in  the  third  and  fourth  graves,  leather  leggins,  blankets  of  white 
manufacture,  and  a silk  handkerchief  were  found,  all  much  decom- 
posed. 

The  skulls  were  all  of  true  Indian  type.  The  writer  proposes  to 
continue  his  researches  in  this  interesting  locality. 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


57 


DISCUSSION. 

Prof.  Thomas  said  that  the  paper  was  valuable  as  tending  to  throw 
light  on  the  subject  of  intrusive  burial  and  mentioned  in  connection 
therewith  some  recent  finds  in  Wisconsin. 

Mr.  Proudfet  said  that  he  had  obtained  from  an  Indian  grave 
in  Southwestern  Iowa  silver  disks  similar  to  those  mentioned  by 
Dr.  Thompson. 

Dr.  Fletcher,  referring  to  the  flattening  noticed  in  certain  skulls 
exhumed  by  Dr.  Thompson,  expressed  the  belief  that  such  condition 
was  probably  not  due  to  pressure  in  burial. 

Colonel  Seely  said  that  from  what  we  now  know  it  is  evident  that 
the  savage  was  far  more  than  a straggler  in  the  wilderness.  The 
remains  of  various  ritualistic  systems  suggests  a more  elaborate  con- 
ception in  such  matters  than  is  consistent  with  notions  previously 
entertained  concerning  the  savage  state.  As  illustrating  this  line 
of  inquiry  Col.  Seely  read  an  extract  from  the  Gippsland  Mercury, 
for  January,  1884,  giving  an  account  of  certain  aboriginal  ceremonies 
witnessed  by  A.  W.  Howitt  on  the  occasion  of  admission  of  the 
youths  of  the  Kurnai  tribe  to  the  dignity  of  manhood. 


Eighty-Second  Regular  Meeting,  April  15,  1884. 

Major  J.  W.  Powell,  President,  in  the  Chair. 

The  Curator  reported  the  following  gift:  Final  report  of  the 

Anthropometric  Committee  of  the  British  Association. 

A vote  of  thanks  was  passed  to  the  donors. 

Dr.  J.  M.  Gregory  read  a paper  on  the  “Elements  of  Modern 
Civilization.  ’ ’ 

Civilization  is  the  supreme  fact  in  sociology.  It  is  the  compre- 
hensive name  of  all  that  marks  progress  and  well-being  in  society 
and  states.  It  is  also  the  highest  criterion  by  which  to  test  the 
value  of  social  institutions.  Whatever  promotes  civilization  we 
pronounce  good  and  useful ; whatever  abases  or  destroys  it  is  bad. 

What  is  civilization?  What  are  the  essential  elements  of  which 
it  is  composed,  and  by  which  it  may  be  described?  These  are  ques- 
tions which  confront  the  student  of  sociology  at  the  outset  of  his 
studies. 


58 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


To  answer  these  questions  properly  drives  us  to  a deeper  analysis ; 
it  raises  the  profounder  question,  Is  civilization  external  or  internal? 
Is  it  in  the  man,  or  in  his  surroundings?  In  the  general  way,  most 
of  us  will  admit  that  it  is  in  the  man— in  man  and  in  society. 

Settling  down  then  upon  the  clear  truth  that  civilization  is  essen- 
tially internal,  that  it  is  of  the  mental  man,  though  working  out- 
wardly into  necessary  forms  and  movements,  another  question  starts 
up  to  confront  us.  This  question  is  as  to  the  proper  method  and 
direction  of  our  search.  Shall  we  call  to  our  aid  our  own  conscious 
experience,  and  look  to  find  what  there  is  in  man  that  impels  him 
to  outward  action ; or  shall  we  neglect  the  mental  forces  and  direct 
our  study  to  external  facts  to  ascertain  their  character,  classes,  and 
connections  ? 

If  we  decide  to  confine  our  quest  to  the  material  and  visible  facts 
of  social  life,  shall  it  be  to  the  present  or  the  past  ; shall  we  grope 
among  the  fossil  remains  of  a paleozoic  sociology,  or  shall  we  seek 
to  analzye  the  phenomena  of  a living  sociology? 

No  science  can  dispense  with  the  study  of  the  past,  and  all  true 
students  must  acknowledge  the  usefulness  as  well  as  the  curious  in- 
terest which  attaches  to  the  discoveries  of  the  archaeologist  and  pale- 
ontologist, but  Herbert  Spencer  says  “it  is  hopeless  to  trace  back 
the  external  factors  of  social  phenomena  to  anything  like  their  first 
forms.” 

We  may  without  debate  accept  the  doctrine  of  an  evolution  in 
civilization.  All  history  implies  development,  or  evolution,  if  the 
term  is  preferred.  It  exhibits  the  emergence  of  the  new  out  of  the 
old,  the  complex  from  the  simple,  the  tribe  from  the  family,  the 
nation  from  the  tribe,  the  civilized  from  the  savage.  But  the  evo- 
lution of  society  is  not,  as  some  represent  it,  a mere  physical  or 
biotic  evolution.  It  is  anthropic,  and  more,  it  is  spiritual  and 
volitional.  Human  passions,  intellections,  and  volitions  must  be 
admitted  as  evolving  forces. 

The  under  estimate  of  the  value  of  consciousness  as  a source  of 
definite  knowledge,  and  the  over  estimate  of  the  value  of  the  archaic 
and  savage  social  forms  are  both  serious  mistakes  of  social  science. 

History  rises  out  of  the  physical  and  the  mechanical,  and  becomes 
human  only  by  the  introduction  of  the  human  intelligence  among 
its  causes  and  forces;  and  to  refuse  the  aid  of  consciousness  in  the 
study  and  interpretation  of  history  is  to  place  it  among  the  physical 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


59 


sciences  of  geology  and  astronomy,  or  at  best  to  rank  it  with  the 
biological  studies  of  botany  and  geology.  Some  have  already  taken 
this  ground,  driven,  as  they  affirm,  by  the  stern  logic  of  observed 
facts.  Sentient  being  appears  to  them  as  one  of  the  phases  of  evo- 
lution of  physical  nature,  and  subject  to  the  same  laws  as  other 
physical  phenomena.  Such  a theory  may  seem  delightfully  simple, 
but  it  is  fearfully  suicidal,  since  it  hopelessly  invalidates  all  the  acts 
of  thought  and  intelligence  by  which  this  or  any  other  truth  can 
be  known. 

Doubtless  sociology  and  civilization  have  their  laws  of  evolution 
as  potential  if  not  also  as  clear  as  those  of  the  physical  sciences ; 
and  these  laws  may  be  studied  in  the  savage  and  archaic  stages  of 
society  as  well  as  in  the  more  recent  and  more  complex.  Some- 
times a law  will  be  seen  even  more  clearly  in  the  earlier  and 
simpler  stages  of  evolution  ; but  the  higher  evolution  ordinarily  in- 
volves forms  and  functions  wholly  unknown  to  the  lower;  and  the 
complex  modern  civilization  exhibits  classes  of  phenomena  of  which 
the  savage  gives  no  hint  or  promise,  or  gives  it  only  in  so  rudi- 
mental  a form  as  to  be  unrecognizable,  except  in  the  light  of  fuller 
development. 

If  now,  we  accept  the  conclusions  that  civilization  is  essentially 
internal,  that  its  external  phenomena  are  the  necessary  outcome  of 
the  nature  of  man  and  of  society ; if  we  further  agree  that  our  study 
of  civilization  must  begin  with  it  as  it  exists,  here  and  now  ; if  we 
accept  as  a guiding  truth  that  there  is  nothing  in  the  essential 
nature  and  attributes  of  man  which  does  not  find  its  expression  in 
history,  and  that  there  is  nothing  essential  in  history  which  does  not 
find  its  root  and  explanation  in  the  nature  of  man,  then  our  search 
for  the  elements  of  civilization  narrows  its  field  to  a study  of  those 
common  and  universal  principles,  or  instinctive  activities,  in  the 
human  being  which  work  outwardly  into  the  facts  and  usages  of 
society,  meeting  and  modified  as  they  must  be  by  environment ; or, 
to  state  the  same  thing'  objectively,  it  is  to  select,  classify,  and  study 
all  common  universal  social  phenomena  in  the  light  of  our  conscious 
instincts,  needs,  and  activities.  In  physics  we  ascend  from  effects 
to  causes ; from  phenomena  to  forces ; in  sociology  the  cause  is  a 
conscious  one  and  we  may  safely  descend  from  force  to  phenomena. 

Our  method  being  explained  and  defended,  we  march  to  results. 


60 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


I. 

The  commonest  fact  of  human  consciousness  is  the  existence  of 
the  vital  wants,  hunger,  thirst,  and  the  desire  of  proper  warmth. 
These  act  as  a steady  force  compelling  men  to  the  efforts  to  secure 
their  gratification.  Out  of  these  powerful  and  persistent  appetites, 
spring  through  the  slow  round  of  the  ages,  what  we  call  the  useful 
arts,  the  food-producing,  the  cloth  or  clothes-making  and  the  build- 
ing arts ; and  ancillary  to  these,  the  arts  of  the  tool-maker  and 
machinist,  and  of  those  who  collect,  prepare  or  transport  materials 
for  the  others.  As  the  satisfaction  of  these  wants  is  the  vital  con- 
dition of  human  existence,  so  these  arts  are  the  broadest  funda- 
mental element  of  external  civilization.  They  uphold  and  help  on 
all  the  others ; and  their  advancement  at  once  measures  and  pro- 
motes the  social  progress  of  which  they  are  most  prominent  factors. 

The  vital  wants  of  mankind  are  at  first  merely  animal,  and  are 
as  simple  as  they  are  savage ; but  they  steadily  multiply,  diversify, 
and  refine  with  every  advance  in  man’s  intellectual  and  social  de- 
velopment, till  they  mingle  and  interlock  with  all  the  higher  desires 
and  artistic  tastes  of  civilized  men.  Keeping  pace  with  these,  the 
rude  efforts,  scarcely  to  be  called  arts,  which  supply  the  low  needs 
of  the  wild  man,  divide  and  differentiate  into  all  the  innumerable 
industries  of  the  highest  sociologic  condition.  Thus  the  craving  of 
a present  hunger  which  drives  the  savage  to  the  chase  widens  out 
into  the  prudent  care  for  all  future  hungers,  and  the  food-producing 
arts  grow  with  the  variations  of  soil  and  climate  into  the  enormous 
reach  of  agricultural  industries  and  the  hundred  commercial,  manu- 
facturing, chemic,  and  cooking  arts  till  farms,  forests,  orchards, 
gardens,  and  breeding  waters,  with  mills,  and  manufactories,  cover 
the  continents  with  their  costly  array  to  satisfy  the  needs  of  civilized 
society. 

So  also  the  shivering  desire  for  shelter  and  clothing  which  the 
savage  satisfies  with  the  tanned  skin  of  his  game,  and  with  the  cave, 
hut,  wigwam  or  tent,  grows  into  that  broad  economy  with  builds 
houses,  palaces,  and  cities,  and  evolves  the  great  family  of  building 
arts  which  occupy  and  enrich  so  many  thousands  of  mankind. 

But  however  vast  and  varied  these  useful  arts  they  all  look  back 
to  the  vital  wants  as  their  source  and  spring ; and  as  these  wants 
are  persistent,  and  press  always  with  resistless-  force,  the  resulting 
phenomena  must  constitute  a universal  and  essential  element  in  all 
civilizations. 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


61 


II. 

Next  the  vital  wants,  as  a sociologic  force,  may  be  counted  the 
group  of  social  instincts.  The  sexual  appetite  which  perpetuates 
the  race  and  furnishes  the  basis  of  the  family,  the  most  natural  and 
most  persistent  form  of  social  organization,  stands  foremost  of  these, 
but  it  does  not  stand  alone.  Working  with  it  is  the  love  of  off- 
spring, and  next  to  this  comes  that  desire  of  companionship  which 
we  may  call  the  social  instinct  proper. 

To  the  student  of  modern  civilization  it  matters  little  by  what 
long  evolutions  these  instincts  gathered  their  present  form  and  force ; 
they  impel  men  to  live  in  communities  and  support  the  complex 
structure  of  society.  Acting  among  men  in  the  savage  state,  they 
gather  them  into  tribes  with  scarcely  more  of  organization  than  the 
cattle  that  feed  in  herds  or  the  birds  that  fly  in  flocks.  But  develop- 
ing with  the  advance  of  mankind  in  intelligence,  by  a process  simi- 
lar to  that  noticed  in  the  useful  arts,  they  finally  produce  highly  organ- 
ized society  and  states,  with  all  their  array  of  social  and  political 
interests  and  institutions. 

The  social  instinct  is  strengthened  as  men  find  that  society  affords 
additional  safety  against  enemies  and  widens  the  field  of  their  arts 
and  co-operations.  Self-interest  acts  in  the  same  direction  as  the 
social  feeling  and  doubles  its  effects;  but  we  may  doubt  whether 
these  selfish  advantages  of  safety  and  profit  sufficiently  account  for 
the  existence  and  power  of  the  social  instinct. 

I have  grouped  together  the  three  facts  of  the  sexual,  the  paren- 
tal, and  the  proper  social  desires;  but  each  of  these  gives  also  its 
own  peculiar  results  in  our  civilization.  Out  of  the  sexual  desire 
grow  all  marriage  institutions,  and  as  the  human  species  seem  natur- 
ally to  associate  in  pairs,  all  abnormal  institutions,  like  polygamy 
and  polyandrya,  must  result  not  from  natural  instinct  but  from  some 
necessities  of  savage  society.  The  strong  feeling  in  favor  of  the 
monogamous  family  shows  that  the  native  disposition  of  mankind 
is  towards  pairs  and  not  towards  herds. 

The  sexual  instinct  would  give  simply  a married  pair;  the  off- 
spring instinct  builds  the  permanent  family.  The  love  of  offspring 
is  a sort  of  extension  of  self-love — the  widening  and  perpetuation 
of  name  and  of  personal  power  and  possessions.  It  thus  tends  to 
the  creation  of  aristocracies  and  dynasties. 

The  social  instinct  added  causes  the  family  to  become  persistent 


62 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


and  widens  it  out  into  the  patriarchate  and  tribe — the  earliest  and 
simplest  forms  of  political  society. 

Victor  Cousin  puts  the  sense  of  justice  as  the  foundation  principle 
of  the  state;  but  justice  is  simply  regulative,  and  serves  only  for 
the  organization  and  maintenance  of  a society  already  existent.  It 
builds  a government  to  protect  those  whom  the  social  instincts  have 
drawn  together. 

III. 

Next  to  the  vital  wants,  proceeding  in  the  natural  order,  should 
come,  perhaps,  the  aesthetic  tastes — the  love  of  the  beautiful  and  of 
whatever  inspires  the  higher  emotions.  The  universality  of  the  aes- 
thetic feeling  is  proved  by  the  fact  that  it  is  found  in  early  childhood 
and  among  savages  as  well  as  among  the  mature  and  the  civilized. 
Out  of  these  tastes  come  the  fine  and  decorative  arts,  sculpture,  paint- 
ing, architecture,  landscape  gardening,  music  and  poetry,  and  all 
the  ornamentation  of  dress  or  abode,  with  the  graceful  forms  and 
bright  coloring  which  men  give  to  the  commonest  implements  of 
life.  Public  amusements,  in  nearly  all  their  forms,  are  but  an  ap- 
peal to  some  aesthetic  principle,  and  what  are  known  as  the  refine- 
ments of  civilization  are  but  applications  of  the  same  principle.  As 
an  element  of  civilization  it  is  constant  and  often  commanding, 
giving  its  chief  coloring  to  some  of  the  most  noted  civilizations  of 
the  world. 

IV. 

Advancing  another  step  in  our  search  we  find  in  man,  as  a native 
instinct,  the  love  of  knowledge  or  love  of  truth.  It  is  the  intellec- 
tual appetite.  It  is  shown  in  the  tireless  curiosity  of  childhood  and 
savages,  and  in  the  universal  tendency  of  mankind  to  seek  the 
causes  of  phenomena. 

Out  of  this  intellectual  appetite  springs  another  group  of  facts  in 
civilization — such  as  science,  philosophy,  literature,  education,  and 
language  itself. 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  genesis  of  this  power  of  thought,  or 
the  steps  in  its  evolution,  it  is  one  of  the  largest  forces  in  civilization, 
and  it  rises  by  a natural  gravitation  to  the  summit  and  dominates 
and  directs  all  others.  It  is  by  the  aid  of  his  intelligence  that  man 
emerges  from  savagery,  and  achieves  civilization.  With  the  birth 
of  science,  all  arts,  useful  and  fine,  and  all  institutions,  social  and 
political,  take  on  new  forms  and  rise  to  higher  power? 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


63 


V. 

There  remains  in  man  another  power  or  instinct  which  works  out 
historical  results,  and  is  one  of  the  elementary  forces  in  civilization. 
It  is  the  religious  nature  or  faculty — that  power  within  which  pushes 
man  to  a recognition  and  worship  of  the  divine.  Efforts  have  been 
made  to  find  the  origin  of  this  feeling  in  man  in  the  reverence  for 
great  men,  or  in  the  superstitious  fear  of  the  powers  of  nature ; but 
our  inquiry  is  not  with  the  origin  of  the  faculty.  We  find  it  in  its 
full  grown  state,  and  gathered  around  it  we  find  the  various  institu- 
tions of  religion,  the  schemes  of  faith  and  of  morals,  and  coming 
from  these,  the  most  important  and  influential  body  of  usages  and 
opinions  known  to  civilization.  Whatever  philosophers  and  men 
of  science  may  think  of  this  element  in  civilization,  few  have  the  au- 
dacity to  propose  its  overthrow  without  an  effort  to  replace  it  with 
some  substitute  which  may  give  to  society  the  moral  support  and 
regulation  that  religion  affords. 

This  enumeration  of  the  elements  of  modern  civilization  is  ex- 
haustive. Under  one  or  another  of  these  five  fundamental  facts 
all  constant  phenomena  of  civilization  may  be  classed.  In  no  civ- 
ilization are  they  absent,  though  they  enter  into  different  civilizations 
not  only  in  different  forms  but  also  in  different  degrees  of  strength 
and  domination. 

Some  of  the  results  of  these  five  primal  factors  become  in  time 
prominent  forces  or  factors  in  civilization.  Thus  the  wealth  which 
comes  from  the  arts  becomes  in  turn  a great  economic  power ; and 
the  governments  which  arise  out  of  the  social  needs  end  by  becom- 
ing social  forces  of  enormous  strength.  So  to  the  external  influences 
which  press  upon  social  growths — the  physical  environments  and  the 
political  distributions  and  organizations  to  which  they  give  rise,  may 
easily  be  taken  for  new  and  independent  factors,  they  are  at  most 
only  secondary  and  modifying  forces  and  not  true  original  elements, 
at  least  in  the  restricted  study  of  civilization  as  it  presents  itself  in 
historic  time. 

DISCUSSION. 

Mr.  Ward  remarked  that  he  had  long  ago  felt  the  need  of  a fresh 
method  for  the  study  of  social  science.  The  current  method 
dealt  with  the  facts  objectively  considered,  whereas  a truly  scientific 
method  must  discover  and  recognize  the  forces  by  which  social 


64 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


phenomena  are  operated,  just  as  all  true  physical  science  concerns 
itself  with  physical  forces.  Perceiving  this,  he  had  recognized  in 
the  physical  desires  of  the  human  body  the  true  social  forces,  and 
he  had  formulated  the  distinction  between  the  true  scientific  method 
and  that  which  is  commonly  pursued  as  the  distinction  between  the 
study  of  society  from  the  standpoint  of  feeling  and  its  study  from 
the  standpoint  of  function.  The  current  method  of  studying  social 
science  was  to  study  the  acts  themselves  which  the  desires  prompt 
and  their  functional  consequences ; whereas  the  new  and  true  method 
would  study  only  the  desires  themselves  as  social  forces  and  the  di- 
rect results  accomplished  by  the  individuals  thus  actuated  for  the 
attainment  of  their  satisfaction.  The  distinction  is  fundamental — 
the  former  method  being  properly  designated  as  the  statical,  the 
latter  as  the  dynamic  method. 

Mr.  Ward  had  drawn  up  a system  of  classification  of  the  social 
forces  according  to  the  dynamic  method  which  he  presented,  with 
suitable  explanatory  remarks,  to  the  Anthropological  Section  of  the 
American  Association  for  the  Advancement  of  Science  at  its  Boston 
meeting  in  1880,  only  a brief  abstract  of  which  was  then  published.* 
The  system  thus  sketched  was  more  fully  elaborated  and  in  this 
form  was  presented  to  this  Society  in  a paper  read  on  May  2,  and 
May  16,  1882,  and  illustrated  by  charts  prepared  by  Dr.  Frank 
Baker,  j*  As  it  was  then  about  to  be  published  in  permanent  form 
it  was  not  thought  advisable  to  repeat  it  in  the  transactions  of  the 
Society.  J 

Mr.  Ward  placed  on  the  blackboard  the  outline  of  his  classifi- 
cation of  the  social  forces  and  showed  that  it  coincided,  with  some 
slight  exceptions,  entirely  with  that  which  Prof.  Gregory  had  pre- 
sented. 


Eighty-Third  Regular  Meeting,  May  6,  1884. 
Dr.  Robert  Fletcher,  Vice-President,  in  the  Chair. 


* Feeling  and  Function  as  Factors  in  Human  Development.  “Boston  Adver- 
tiser,” Sept.  1,  1880,  p.  1 ; The  same  more  in  detail  with  table  of  classification. 
“Science,”  Oct.  23,  1880,  p.  210. 

f Transactions  of  the  Anthropological  Society  of  Washington,  Vol.  II,  pp.  11, 
12. 

f See  v Dynamic  Sociology,”  New  York,  1883,  chapters  VII  and  VIII. 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


65 


Rev.  J.  Owen  Dorsey  read  a paper  entitled,  “ Migrations  of 
the  SiduAN  Tribes.  ”* 

abstract. 

Mr.  Dorsey  gave  a classification  of  the  Siouan  tribes,  including 
he  Sioux  proper,  Assiniboin,  Ponka,  Omaha,  Osages,  Kansas, 
Iowas,  Otos,  Missouris,  Winnebagoes,  Mandans,  Minntarees,  Crows, 
and  Tutelos.  The  general  impression  seems  to  have  been  that  this 
stock  moved  from  the  northwest.  Mr.  Dorsey  took  an  opposing 
view  and  traced  the  tribes  from  the  southeast,  up  the  streams,  and 
from  the  region  of  the  lakes  westward. 

DISCUSSION. 

Major  Powell  said  that  investigations  like  that  of  Mr.  Dorsey 
were  very  valuable — serving  to  dispel  popular  myths  as  to  the  great 
number  of  tribes,  and  locating  ancient  villages  so  that  the  archaeo- 
logical material  could  be  saved. 

Prof.  Mason  said  that  he  had  commenced  to  work  out  a synonymy 
of  all  the  tribes  of  North  America,  four  years  ago,  under  the  patron- 
age of  Major  Powell.  Since  then  many  others  had  participated  in 
the  work,  and  the  whole  body  of  American  literature  had  been  ran- 
sacked. It  was  quite  possible  that  many  tribal  names  and  references 
have  been  overlooked.  The  members  of  the  society,  therefore, 
would  confer  a great  favor  by  calling  attention  to  such  things 
occurring  in  out  of  the  way  places. 

Dr.E.  M.  Gallaudet  read  a paper  on  “ International  Ethics.” 

There  were  in  existence  in  Europe  several  societies  whose  object 
is  to  discuss  the  subject  of  international  relations.  The  speaker 
took  the  ground  that  the  proper  basis  of  these  relations  should  be 
ethical  rather  than  legal.  The  law  term  for  jus  gentium  was  ob- 
jected to  and  the  phrase  international  rights  or  international  ethics 
suggested.  While  nations  would  not  listen  to  absolute  commands 
of  law,  they  have  ever  shown  some  willingness  to  listen  to  ethical 
arguments  on  the  justification  of  their  foulest  acts  by  appealing  to 
the  verdict  of  humanity  as  to  the  justice  of  their  cause.  If  publicists 
should  insist  that  no  act  of  nations  should  be  justified  that  are  not 
right  between  individuals,  the  subject  of  international  law  would  be 

* Printed  in  American  Naturalist,  Vol.  xix. 


5 


66 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


settled  on  a firm  basis,  and  Mirabeau’s  words,  “ Le  droit  est  le  sou- 
verain  du  monde,”  would  become  a fact.  The  substitution  of  arbi- 
tration for  war  would  advance  the  reign  of  right,  relieve  the  bur- 
dens of  taxation,  make  commerce  free,  and  establish  a brotherhood  » 
of  nations. 

DISCUSSION. 

Major  Powell  referred  to  the  origin  of  the  term  “ jus  gentium ,” 
and  pointed  out  the  fact  that  it  meant  the  law  found  among  all 
nations,  rather  then  international  law.  While  law  and  rights  are 
nearly  synonymous,  the  history  of  law  developes  the  difficulty 
attending  the  determination  of  what  is  right.  When  that  is  so  found 
by  the  majority  it  then  finds  expression  in  law.  As  the  people  in  a 
nation  find  it  difficult  to  ascertain  what  is  justice,  so  the  same 
obstacle  is  met  in  determining  international  rights.  Referring  to 
certain  publicists  who  sought  to  control  the  disposition  of  property 
pending  wars,  he  said  that  it  was  apparent  that  mankind  was 
becoming  more  belligerent,  and  that  wars  were  more  destructive  of 
life  and  property  than  formerly, 

The  result,  however,  of  all  this  was  to  lessen  the  number  of 
nations,  and  with  fewer  nations,  organization  with  a view  to  per- 
manent peace  became  more  probable. 

Mr.  Otis  Bigelow  called  attention  to  an  extract  taken  from 
“Heber’s  Travels  in  India,”  (vol.  2,  p.  28,)  as  follows: 

“ The  Braijarrees,  or  carriers  of  grain,  a singular  wandering  race 
who  pass  their  whole  time  in  transporting  grain  from  one  part  of 
India  to  the  other — seldom  on  their  own  account  but  as  agents  for 
more  wealthy  dealers.  They  move  about  in  large  bodies  with  their 
wives  and  children,  dogs  and  loaded  bullocks.  The  men  are  all 
armed  as  a protection  against  petty  thieves.  From  the  sovereign 
and  armies  of  Hindustan  they  have  no  apprehensions.  Even  con- 
tending armies  allow  them  to  pass  and  repass  safely,  never  taking 
their  goods  without  purchase  or  even  preventing  them  if  they  choose 
from  victualling  their  enemy’s  camp.  Both  sides  wisely  agree  to 
respect  and  encourage  a branch  of  industry,  the  interruption  of 
which  might  be  attended  with  fatal  consequence  to  either.” 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


67 


Eighty-Fourth  Regular  Meeting,  May  20,  1884. 

Dr.  Robert  Fletcher,  Vice-President,  in  the  Chair. 

The  Curator  acknowledged  the  receipt  of  a series  of  photographs 
from  Prince  Roland  Bonaparte,  for  which  the  thanks  of  the  Society 
were  voted. 

Dr.  Swan  M.  Burnett  read  a paper  on  “Comparative  Fre- 
quency of  Certain  Eye  Diseases  in  the  White  and  the  Colored 
Race  in  the  United  States.” 

ABSTRACT. 

Dr.  Burnett  related  briefly  the  history  of  the  manner  in  which 
the  colored  race  was  suddenly  transported  from  its  old  to  its  new 
environment.  Now,  physicians  have  been  earnest  in  the  inquiry 
how  much  this  race  has  been  affected  by  contact  with  the  superior 
race.  Dr.  Burnett  himself  has  made  extensive  researches  on  this 
question  at  the  eye  and  ear  dispensary,  and  his  address  was  a repe- 
tition of  his  experience,  2,341  cases  having  been  examined — 1,530 
colored,  1,81 1 white.  The  statistics  covered  inquiries  concerning 
constitutional  diseases  of  the  eye,  as  well  as  defects  in  the  optical 
instrument  itself.  The  most  marked  race  difference  is  in  the  en- 
tire absence  of  granular  lids  in  the  blacks,  while  it  forms  quite  a 
large  per  cent,  of  eye  disease  among  the  whites.  In  healing  power 
the  races  are  alike. 

Dr.  Elmer  Reynolds  read  a paper  on  a “ Collection  of 
Antiquities  from  Vendome,  Senlis,  and  the  Cave-Dwellings 
of  France.  ” 

Dr.  Reynolds  exhibited  a beautiful  collection  of  stone  imple- 
ments sent  to  him  by  correspondents  in  France,  and  his  paper  was 
a narration  of  his  story,  reaching  through  the  archaeolithic,  the 
neolithic,  and  the  bronze  age.  The  objects  were  sent  by  the  Count 
de  Maricourt  and  his  brother,  the  Baron  de  Maricourt,  as  types  of 
all  the  characteristic  stone  implements  in  France.  Dr.  Reynolds 
reviewed  the  collection  in  the  light  of  his  own  experiences,  and 
showed  the  method  of  manufacture  and  the  uses  of  each. 


68 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


Mr.  William  H.  Holmes  read  the  following  paper  on 

“ Evidences  of  the  Antiquity  of  Man  on  the  Site  of  the 
City  of  Mexico.” 

Aboriginal  art  in  Mexico  seems,  in  a great  measure,  to  have  de- 
veloped and  flourished  within  her  own  borders,  and  the  story  of  her 
culture  is,  therefore,  quite  fully  recorded  in  the  superficial  deposits  of 
the  country.  The  volcanic  and  lacustrine  formations  of  the  elevated 
valleys  and  the  rich  soil  of  the  Tierra  Caliente  teem  with  relics  of 
many  human  periods,  and  the  whole  surface  of  the  land  is  dotted 
with  the  ruins  of  temples  and  cities.  Up  to  this  time  the  efforts  of 
investigators  have  been  confined  to  the  exploration  of  points  of 
popular  interest  and  in  touching,  somewhat  superficially,  upon  the 
more  glittering  problems.  Little  attention  has  been  given  to  classi- 
fying and  describing  the  multitude  of  minor  relics.  The  ceramic 
art,  which  was  phenomenally  developed,  has  received  scarcely  more 
than  a passing  notice.  It  is  this  condition  of  affairs  that  affords 
me  an  opportunity  of  presenting  this  paper,  based  as  it  is,  upon  a 
brief  study  of  the  contents  of  the  soil  within  the  limits  of  the  City 
of  Mexico. 

Incomplete  as  my  observations  were,  they  afforded  me  a most 
welcome  opportunity  of  beginning  the  study  of  the  ceramic  art  of 
Mexico  from  the  standpoint  of  actual  observation  of  relics  in  place. 
Superb  as  are  the  collections  within  the  Mexican  Museum,  their 
study  is  rendered  extremely  unsatisfactory  by  the  absence  of  detailed 
information  in  regard  to  their  origin  and  chronology.  Fortunately 
the  section  of  deposits  here  presented  reads  with  the  readiness  of 
an  open  book,  giving  not  only  the  proper  sequence  to  its  own  trea- 
sures, but,  I doubt  not,  making  clear  the  relative  position  of  many 
other  relics  that  would,  otherwise,  go  unclaimed  and  unclassified. 

The  site  of  the  capital  of  the  Montezumas  is  naturally  a great  re- 
pository of  the  ceramic  remains  of  the  pre-Columbian  peoples. 
One  has  but  to  wander  into  almost  any  of  the  suburban  villages, 
wherever  excavations  are  going  on,  to  witness  the  exhumation  of 
multitudes  of  fragmentary  utensils,  many  of  which  have  been  a 
second  and  a third  time  thrown  up  and  rebuilt  into  the  edifices  and 
defences  of  successive  cities. 

During  the  spring  of  1884  I spent  a few  weeks  at  the  Central 
Railway  station,  which  is  located  in  the  outskirts  of  the  city.  The 
old  walls  and  fortifications  of  the  city,  dating  back  perhaps  to  early 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


69 


Spanish  times,  lie  just  outside  of  the  inclosure  of  the  station,  and 
the  road  has  been  cut  through  these  leveled  works,  and  through  the 
accumulated  refuse  of  a small  suburban  village,  now  represented  by 
a dilapidated  church  and  a few  adobe  hovels. 

The  section  exposed  by  the  railway  cuttings  exhibits  a curious 
agglomeration  of  the  deposits  of  all  past  human  periods.  The  re- 
mains of  previous  times  and  peoples — pottery,  stone,  and  skeletons — 
have  recently  been  redistributed  by  the  greatest  of  all  innovators, 
the  spade  of  the  Yankee.  To  those,  therefore,  who  halt  only  to 
examine  the  deposits  along  the  immediate  line  of  the  railway  there 
is  nothing  visible  but  utter  confusion,  although  a glance  is  sufficient 
to  show  that,  in  every  spadeful,  there  is  evidence  of  many  widely 
separated  stages  of  art. 

Just  west  of  the  line,  however,  and  apparently  outside  of  the  old 
line  of  circumvallation  is  an  area — an  acre,  more  or  less — on  which 
an  extensive  manufactory  of-  adobe  bricks  has  been  established. 
Here  excavations  have  been  made  exposing  the  heretofore  undis- 
turbed accumulations  of  past  ages  to  the  depth  often  of  eight  or 
ten  feet. 

The  general  surface  of  this  area  is  perhaps  from  three  to  four  feet 
below  the  broad  masses  of  ancient  ramparts,  and  is,  at  the  same 
time,  perceptibly  elevated  above  the  level  of  the  lacustrine  plain 
about  it.  It  has  been  stated  by  a recent  writer,  that  there  is  proba- 
bly no  spot  remaining  about  the  city  of  Mexico  that  shows  a trace 
of  pre-Spanish  structures,  but  I am  convinced  that  here  we  have 
such  a spot.  The  surface  is  humpy  and  uneven,  the  result  probably 
of  comparatively  recent  ditch-digging  or  house-building ; but  there 
is  a gentle  arching  of  the  whole  area  which,  taken  in  connection 
with  the  fact  that  the  entire  mass  is  composed  very  greatly  of  rem- 
nants of  aboriginal  art,  seems  to  warrant  my  conclusion.  Across 
one  side  of  this  area  the  old  Spanish  walls  were  built  and  the  adobe 
diggers  are  now  encroaching  upon  the  other.  So  full  is  the  soil  of 
relics,  chiefly  of  pottery,  that  the  workmen  are  greatly  embarrassed 
in  their  labors,  even  to  the  depth  of  many  feet,  and  by  the  side  of 
each  pit  is  a great  heap,  composed  of  fragments  too  large  to  be 
worked  into  the  brick.  In  one  place  a section  is  exposed  in  a con- 
tinuous vertical  wall  nearly  a hundred  feet  long  and  more  than 
eight  feet  deep.  The  upper  part  bears  evidence  of  more  or  less 
disturbance,  but  the  greater  part  of  the  exposed  deposits  have  re- 
mained absolutely  undisturbed  since  the  day  of  their  deposition. 


70 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


This  is  made  apparent  by  the  very  distinctly  stratified  character  of 
the  soil,  which  consists  of  dark  loam  with  more  or  less  sand,  im- 
purities, and  broken  relics. 

It  is  difficult  to  say  to  what  extent  the  stratification  is  aqueous, 
or  to  what  extent  the  result  of  periods  of  unequal  artificial  accumu- 
lation. The  fact  that  the  base  of  the  exposed  section  is  several 
feet  lower  than  the  present  surface  of  the  lake,  suggests  the  possi- 
bility that  its  waters  actually  washed  the  walls  of  the  ancient  settle- 
ment. The  level  of  the  lake  has,  during  historic  times,  undergone 
such  diverse  changes  that  it  cannot  be  surmised  what  was  its  condi- 
tion at  any  particular  period  of  the  remote  past. 

The  accompanying  section,  figure  i,  although  representing  but  a 
small  part  of  the  horizontal  exposure,  shows  all  the  important  fea- 
tures in  their  proper  relations  to  one  another.  It  is  the  result  of  a 
number  of  visits  to  the  spot,  most  of  which  were  made  with  the 
purpose  of  assuring  myself  of  the  accuracy  of  preceding  observa- 
tions. The  deposits  of  fragmentary  pottery  reach  to  the  base  of  the 


Fig.  i. — Section  showing  two  periods  of  occupation. 


section,  and  are  so  arranged  as  to  show  beyond  a doubt,  that  they 
accumulated  with  the  soil  and  are  not  subsequent  intrusions.  This 
is  apparent,  not  only  from  their  deposition  in  more  or  less  contin- 
uous horizontal  layers,  as  shown  in  the  section,  but  from  the  identi- 
cal character  of  fragments  occurring  at  corresponding  depths. 

The  prevailing  type  of  ware,  throughout  the  lower  part  of  the 
section,  is  very  archaic  and  is  to  all  appearences  quite  distinct  from 
the  handsome  pottery  characteristic  of  the  upper  half  of  the  section. 

It  was  simple  in  form  and  rude  in  finish  and  little  superior  in  any 
respect  to  the  rudest  products  of  the  wild  Indians  of  North  America. 
At  the  base  the  fragments  are  small  and  much  decayed;  higher,  they 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


71 


are  larger  and  better  preserved,  although  I was  unable  to  secure  a 
complete,  unbroken  vessel. 

The  only  form  that  came  to  my  notice,  although  thousands  of 
pieces  were  examined,  is  a kind  of  deep,  cup  or  bowl,  not  unlike 
our  common  flower  pot,  and  having  a flattish  bottom  and  an  ex- 
tremely uneven  and  ragged  rim.  In  all  cases  the  exterior  surface 
is  covered  with  impressions  of  coarse  woven  fabrics,  the  single  indi- 
cation of  advance  toward  better  finish  being  a slight  polishing  of 
the  interior  surface,  which  was  accomplished  with  a smooth  imple- 
ment, such  as  a pebble  or  shell.  Where  well  preserved,  the  paste 
is  generally  hard  and  fine  grained,  but  shows  in  all  cases  a rather 
rough  granular  fracture.  The  character  of  the  tempering  material 
cannot  be  made  out,  but,  in  a number  of  cases,  the  texture  indicates 
the  former  presence  of  fibrous  particles  like  finely  pulverized  grass, 
leaves,  or  straw.  The  surface  is  of  a pale,  yellowish  red  or  terra 
cotta  color,  the  result  of  the  baking,  while  the  interior  of  the  mass  is 
generally  a dark  gray. 

In  Fig.  2,  I present  an  example  of  this  pottery  which  is  restored 
from  fragments.  These  did  not  come  from  the  wall  of  the  section, 
but  from  a pit,  a short  distance  away,  where  the  pieces  were  larger 


Fig.  2. — Vessel  of  the  most  primitive  style. 


and  better  preserved.  In  this  example  the  rim  is  thick  and  slightly 
enlarged  as  if  squeezed  over  the  edge  of  a basket  used  as  a mold.  In 
most  cases  no  attempt  has  been  made  to  render  the  edge  even  or 
smooth,  and  the  finger  marks  and  the  irregular  partings  of  the  mar- 
gin, which  came  from  squeezing  the  clay  into  or  over  molds  and 
expanding  the  edges  to  secure  greater  size,  are  all  visible. 

It  is  difficult  to  find  a well  preserved  and  clearly  defined  impres- 


72 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


sion  of  the  fabric  employed  in  the  manufacture  of  these  vessels. 
The  clay  was  probably  not  of  a character  to  take  a clear  impression 
and  the  cloth  was  apparently  of  a ragged,  irregular  kind.  The 
mesh  was  open  and  the  thread  coarse  and  slightly  twisted.  The 
finer  specimens  show  about  eight  intersections  to  the  inch  and  the 
coarser  probably  six.  In  some  cases  one  series  of  threads  seem  to 
have  been  large  and  the  other  small.  These  fabrics  were  applied  to 
the  entire  exterior  surface  of  the  vessel,  but  not  with  much  regu- 
larity. They  may  have  served  to  facilitate  the  handling  of  the  ware 
while  in  a plastic  state. 

This  pottery  is  distributed  in  horizontal  layers  throughout  a ver- 
tical series  more  than  six  feet  in  thickness,  and  represents  an  early 
epoch  of  the  art  of  Anahuac. 

In  the  upper  portion  of  the  lower  group  of  beds  we  encounter 
two  other  varieties  of  ware.  These  may  have  been  developed  from 
the  rude  form  in  the  natural  course  of  progress  but  there  are  few 
indications  of  this  growth  here.  They  are  much  more  nearly  allied 
to  the  later  than  to  the  earlier  stages  of  the  art  of  the  section.  The 
transition  is  very  abrupt. 

As  a matter  of  course  I can  only  present  this  order  of  occurrence 
as  characteristic  of  this  locality  and  of  this  section.  There  may  be 
very  different  combinations  in  other  places,  but  the  order  of  sequence 
here  indicated  is,  in  the  light  of  history,  very  suggestive.  If  the 
Aztecs,  as  tradition  has  it,  were  the  first  to  settle  on  this  margin  of 
the  swampy  shore  of  the  lake,  then  this  cord-marked  ware  is  the 
product  of  their  earliest  or  savage  period,  and  the  finer  wares  occur- 
ing  at  first  so  sparingly  indicate  trade  with  the  more  advanced 
peoples  of  neighboring  settlements. 

The  variety  of  ware  second  to  appear  in  the  ascending  scale  is 
represented  by  fragments  of  large,  round-bodied,  symmetrical  pots 
or  casks,  with  gently  constricted  necks  and  thick  rounded  recurving 
rims.  The  paste  is  generally  reddish  upon  the  surface  and  gray  in 
the  mass,  and  there  is  a large  percentage  of  silicious  tempering 
material.  The  surface,  exterior  and  interior,  is  painted  a dark 
brownish  red  and  has  been  evenly  polished.  Average  specimens 
have  been,  perhaps,  ten  inches  in  diameter  and  a foot  or  more  in 
height.  The  walls  are  always  very  thick.  Fig.  3,  is  drawn  from 
fragments  sufficiently  large  to  indicate  the  whole  shape  clearly. 
Pottery  like  this  is  found  imbedded  in  the  adobe  bricks  of  the  pyra- 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


73 


mid  of  Cholula,  and  is  common  in  the  ancient  graves  of  Costa  Rica 
and  New  Granada.  Large  vases  recently  brought  from  the  province 
of  Chiriqui  are  identical  with  these  in  every  respect. 


Fig.  3. — Earthern  vessel  from  the  lower  series  of  deposits. 

Associated  with  this  ware  and  beginning  apparently  a little  higher 
in  the  section,  we  find  the  remains  of  the  third  variety.  The  ves- 
sels are  mostly  cup-shaped.  They  are  well  made,  are  simple  in 
treatment,  and  exhibit  a fair  degree  of  symmetry.  The  prevailing 
color  is  a light  yellowish  terra-cotta  tending  toward  orange.  The 
surfaces  are  moderately  well  polished  but  rarely  show  attempts  at 
ornamentation.  The  forms  are  repeated  in  the  more  elaborate 
wares  that  succeed  it.  This  ware  is  identical  in  most  respects  with 
much  of  that  found  in  the  adobe  mass  of  the  pyramids  of  San  Juan 
Teotihuacan,  Texcoco,  and  Cholula,  and  upon  the  slopes  of  the  hill 
of  Texcocingo.  It  is,  apparently,  the  forerunner  of  some  of  the 
more  elegant  wares  of  the  surface  deposits  of  the  section.  In 
the  upper  part  of  the  lower  series  of  deposits  this  ware  predom- 
inates greatly  over  both  the  heavy  ware  and  the  archaic  pottery 
already  described.  By  reference  to  the  section  it  will  be  seen 
that  the  surface  of  the  lower  series  of  beds  has  been  much  dis- 
turbed by  the  more  recent  occupants  of  the  site  at  the  beginning  of 
the  second  epoch.  Excavations  have  been  made  and  afterwards 
filled  up  with  gradually  accumulating  refuse,  so  that  a series  of  im- 
perfect stratified  deposits  has  been  spread  over  all,  at  first  following 
the  curves  of  the  disturbed  surface.  There  is,  however,  no  very 


74 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


well  defined  line  of  separation  between  the  older  and  newer  forma- 
tions. The  distinction  is  rendered  much  clearer  by  the  contents 
of  the  soil.  There  are  occasional  layers  of  stone  and  adobe  bricks, 
representing  the  foundations  of  houses,  as  seen  in  the  section. 
There  are  great  quantities  of  fragmentary  pottery,  among  which  I 
find  many  of  the  artistic  shapes  and  rich  decorations  characteristic 
of  the  surface  deposits  of  Anahuac.  Included  I find  also  fragments 
of  the  two  varieties  last  described.  There  are  occasional  stone  im- 
plements and  great  quantities  of  obsidian  knives,  hundreds  of  which 
are  as  perfect  as  when  first  struck  from  the  core.  These  are  char- 
acteristic of  the  later  Aztec  period.  Near  the  surface  there  are 
fragments  of  glazed  ware  indicating  Spanish  influence.  It  is  not 
unusual  to  see  in  the  shallow  ditches  of  the  suburban  villages,  frag- 
ments of  vessels  of  aboriginal  form  and  decoration,  covered  with 
Spanish  glaze.  Indeed  such  vessels  can  be  seen  in  use  by  the  Indians 
of  to-day  and  are  exposed  for  sale  in  the  modern  markets. 

The  pottery  of  the  upper  division  of  the  section  presents  great 
variety  of  form  and  ornamentation,  but  in  material  and  treatment  it 
is  extremely  uniform.  The  paste  is  compact  and  heavy,  and  has  a 
moderately  even,  finely  granular  fracture.  In  rare  cases  the  fracture 
is  smooth  or  conchoidal.  The  more  common  wares  are  lighter  and 
more  porous  than  those  of  finer  finish,  The  whole  mass  is  often  of 
a pale  brick-red  color,  the  baking  having  been  thorough ; but  more 
frequently  the  interior  is  of  a dark  blue  gray,  indicating  imperfect 
firing.  The  paste  is  generally  hard  and  the  ware  has  in  many  cases 
a sonorous  or  metallic  ring.  The  walls  vary  in  thickness  with  the 
individual  vessel.  The.  tempering  when  distinguishable  is  always 
silicious. 

The  method  of  finishing  the  surface  is  quite  uniform  although 
carried  to  very  different  degrees  of  perfection.  Occasionally  we 
find  a piece  without  polish ; and  figurines  and  elaborately  modeled 
forms  are  generally  quite  plain.  As  a rule  the  vessels  have  been 
very  carefully  polished.  In  many  examples  the  markings  of  the 
polishing  implement  are  distinctly  visible  j indeed  this  is  true  of 
the  unimportant  parts  of  the  majority  of  vessels  of  the  most  perfect 
finish.  The  polish  of  the  finer  examples  is  so  perfect  that  it  is  diffi- 
cult to  believe  it  the  result  of  purely  mechanical  processes.  The  pol- 
ishing has  generally  been  done  after  the  application  of  the  color 
and  color-designs,  but  sometimes  before.  Unpolished  surfaces  show 
impressions  of  the  potter’s  fingers. 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


75 


There  are  no  indications  of  the  use  of  a wheel.  The  vessels  are 
seldom  absolutely  true  in  outline,  but  in  a general  way  are  remark- 
able for  symmetry  and  grace.  The  colors  employed  in  finishing  and 
decorating  are  pleasing  and  often  extremely  rich.  The  reds  predom- 
inate, the  whole  surface  of  the  simple  forms  being  frequently  finished 
with  it.  Upon  this  the  designs  are  painted  in  black,  white,  and 
different  tones  of  red.  In  the  more  common  utensils  the  figures  are 
drawn,  often  carelessly,  upon  the  plain  untinted  surface.  The  brush 
has  been  handled  with  freedom  and  the  designs  are  often  quite  elabo- 
rate. Occasionally  we  find  incised  figures  and  stamped  patterns. 

The  various  shapes  of  vessels  obtained  at  this  locality  may  be 
classified  under  a few  heads. 

First,  there  are  many  cups  and  bowls  ranging  from  a few  inches 
to  a foot  in  diameter,  and  generally  quite  shallow.  The  bottoms 
are  usually  flat  and  the  walls  expand  regularly  to  the  rim.  Two 
examples  varying  from  the  rule  are  given  in  Figs.  4 and  5.  Fig.  4 


Fig.  4. — Vessel  from  the  upper  deposits. 


shows  a slightly  polished,  unpainted  pan  of  dark,  ochreous  tint, 
with  upright  sides  and  flat  bottom.  The  base,  outside,  is  slightly 
convex  next  the  circumference  and  concave  at  the  center.  It  is 


F!G.  5. — Vessel  from  the  upper  deposits. 


eight  inches  in  diameter.  Fig.  5 illustrates  a deep  cup  of  similar 
color  and  finish ; a painted  design  consisting  of  parallel  encircling 


76 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


lines  occupies  the  exterior  surface  of  the  rim.  The  form  is  an  un- 
* usual  one  in  Mexico. 

Most  of  the  vessels  obtained  from  the  upper  stratum  are  neatly 
finished  and  tastefully  decorated.  Some  are  polished  like  a mirror 
over  the  entire  surface,  exterior  and  interior.  A favorite  form  is 
that  of  a shallow  flat-bottomed  cup  of  moderate  size,  Fig.  6.  The 
designs  are  greatly  varied  and  are  painted  in  black  or  in  black  and 
white.  The  white  pigment  has  been  applied  subsequently  to  the 


Fig.  6. — Vessel  with  figures  in  white  upon  a red  ground,  in  U.  S.  National 

Museum. 

polishing  of  the  surface  and  can  be  removed  with  ease.  Vessels  of 
this  and  similar  forms  are  often  furnished  with  tripod  supports. 
One  example  of  the  latter  variety  is  given  in  Fig.  7.  The  bowls 
are  often  very  shallow.  The  designs  are  simple  and  occupy  the  in- 


Fig.  7. — Tripod  dish  with  designs  in  black. 

terior  surface.  A curious  device  is  shown  in  Fig.  8.  The  interior 
surface  of  the  bottom  is  scoriated  with  deeply  incised  reticulated 
lines,  a device  probably  intended  for  the  grating  of  food  or  spices  and 
one  still  employed  by  the  present  inhabitants.  A few  examples  of 
this  general  class  of  ware  show  stamped  decoration.  In  its  manu- 
facture molds  were  probably  used  in  which  intaglio  designs  had 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


77 


been  executed.  Some  fragments  of  cups  exhibit  figures  formed  of 
minute  hemispherical  nodes.  They  are  further  embellished  by  the 


Fig.  8. — Tripod  dish  with  scoriated  bottom 


addition  of  sharp  conical  nodes  about  the  rim.  A remarkable  feature 
of  these  cups  is  the  occurrence  of  groups  of  triangular  perforations, 
cut  with  a sharp  tool,  and  so  arranged  as  to  resemble  a Maltese 
cross.  These  perforations  are  placed  so  low  on  the  body  as  to 
make  the  vessel  unfit  for  containing  liquids.  In  the  museum  of 
Mexico  there  are  a few  examples  extensively  perforated,  leaving 
about  the  middle  zone  of  the  body  only  a sort  of  lattice  work  of  the 
original  walls.  The  same  style  of  work  is  elaborately  practiced  by 
Oriental  peoples. 

One  large  class  of  vessels  resemble  an  hour-glass  in  shape.  They 
are  really  double  cups,  one  end  being  usually  smaller  than  the  other 
and  serving  as  a foot,  but  both  cups  are  equally  well  finished.  The 
exterior  surface  is  highly  polished  and  colored  a deep  red,  and 
painted  with  designs  in  black  and  white.  The  fragments  are  large 
and  very  numerous.  Fig.  9 illustrates  the  prevailing  form.  The 


FIG.  9, Cup  with  designs  in  black  and  white  upon  a red  ground,  in  Mexican 

National  Museum. 


78 


TRANSACTIONS  OP  THE 


diameter  ranges  from  three  to  six  inches  or  more.  Some  of  the 
most  beautiful  vessels  in  the  Museum  are  of  this  general  shape. 

It  is  but  rarely  that  one  comes  upon  fragments  of  the  richly 
colored  and  highly  finished  wares  characteristic  tic  of  the  regions  of 
Cholula  and  of  the  South.  I was  fortunate  in  securing  a few  small 
pieces.  Two  of  these  are  shown  in  Figs,  io  and  n.  Their  rarity 


Fig.  io. — Meander  design  painted  in  rich  colors. 


makes  it  probable  that  they  came  to  this  spot  by  trade.  The  first 
shows  a fine  strong  treatment  of  the  fret  and  the  other  of  the  scroll. 


Fig.  ii — Scroll  ornament  painted  in  rich  colors. 


These  forms  are  characteristic  of  the  best  period  of  art  in  both 
North  and  South  America.  The  chief  charm  of  this  ware  is  its  rich 
color — an  orange  ground  with  figures  in  red  and  black,  the  whole 
surface  being  polished  like  glass. 

I found  no  specimen  exhibiting  delicate  green  and  pink  decora- 
tions such  as  may  be  seen  at  San  Juan  Teotiahuacan,  and  such 
as  are  seen  on  some  of  the  most  beautiful  vases  in  the  Mexican 
Museum. 

In  the  upper  series  of  deposits  indicated  in  the  section,  I found 
a fragment  of  a very  remarkable  form  of  vase.  It  is  represented  by 
a number  of  examples  in  the  Mexican  Museum,  one  of  which  is 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


79 


shown  in  Fig.  12.  It  has  been  called  a brasier  and  a censer,  and 
is  thought  to  have  been  employed  in  religious  ceremonies,  but  its 


Fig.  12. — Ceremonial  vase,  in  Mexican  National  Museum. 


true  use  is  probably  unknown.  The  shape  is,  however,  suggestive 
of  some  especial  ceremonial  office.  It  resembles  a short,  upright 
cylinder,  encircled  midway  by  a groove.  There  are  two  massive, 
horizontally-looped  handles  attached  to  the  sides  a little  below  the 
middle.  The  bowl  is  rather  shallow.  The  lower  third  of  the  vessel 
consists  of  a hollow  foot  resembling  the  bowl  above,  but  open  at 
the  sides  beneath  the  handles.  The  conformation  is  such  that  a 
heavy  cord  could  be  passed  through  the  handles  and  across  the 
doubly  cloven  foot  for  suspension  as  a swinging  censer.  The  ex- 
posed surfaces  are  usually  highly  polished  and  the  colors  embrace 
black  and  many  rich  tones  of  red. 

It  should  be  noted  that  no  traces  were  found  of  the  dark,  highly 
ornate  pottery  so  often  seen  in  modern  times  and  so  frequently 
brought  away  by  tourists.  This  ware  may  have  a legitimate  place 
in  Aztec  art,  but  does  not  occur  among  the  ancient  productions  in 
any  locality  visited  by  me.  It  is  absolutely  certain  that  all  the  speci- 
mens now  seen  in  the  shops  of  Mexico  and  offered  for  sale  by  hawk- 
ers on  the  streets  and  at  the  stations — especially  at  San  Juan — are 
modern  products.  They  are,  however,  wonderfully  well  executed, 
and  the  appearance  of  antiquity  given  them  is  truly  remarkable. 


80 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


I have,  from  the  pits  at  the  railway  station,  a number  of  miscel- 
laneous articles  in  clay,  bits  of  images  of  men  and  animals,  whistles, 
spindle-whorls,  and  the  like.  A portion  of  a curious  head  found  is 
duplicated  in  a pipe  preserved  in  the  Museum  and  represented  in 


Fig.  13. — Pipe  with  grotesque  heads  on  the  bowl,  in  the  Mexican  National 

Museum. 

Fig.  13.  The  whistles  are  generally  of  a very  simple  kind,  and  the 
spindle- whorls  are  not  different  from  those  of  other  parts  of  Anahuac. 

In  conclusion,  I may  recall  in  a very  few  words  some  of  the  more 
striking  features  of  this  section,  calling  attention  to  the  order  of 
events  suggested  by  them. 

It  may  be  affirmed  with  certainty  that  the  site  of  the  City  of 
Mexico  was  at  one  time  occupied  by  a people  in  a very  primitive 
stage  of  art,  the  remains  of  which  art,  so  far  as  found,  include  nothing 
but  fragments  of  an  extremely  rude  pottery.  There  are  no  traces  ot 
tools  and  no  indications  of  houses.  This  period  of  occupancy  was  a 
very  long  one,  as  it  permitted  the  accumulation  in  nearly  horizontal 
layers  of  at  least  eight  feet  of  finely  comminuted  refuse. 

It  is  further  seen  that  far  along  in  this  period  of  occupancy  new 
forms  of  art  appeared  that  do  not  look  like  the  work  of  the  proper 
occupants  of  the  site  produced  by  gradual  improvement,  but  rather 
like  intrusive  products  acquired  by  exchange  or  otherwise  from 
more  cultured  tribes.  Again,  at  the  end  of  this  first  period  there  is 
a horizon,  pretty  well  marked,  above  which  primitive  forms  of  art 
do  not  appear. 

Near  the  base  of  the  deposits  of  the  second  period  foundations 
of  houses  are  discovered  in  which  rubble,  squared  stones,  and  adobe 
bricks  have  been  used.  In  this  part  of  the  section  we  find  stone 
implements  and  ceramic  products  of  a very  high  order  of  merit. 
With  these,  and  especially  near  the  surface,  there  is  a layer  abound- 
ing in  obsidian  implements.  This  marks  the  last  and  culminating 
stage  of  Aztec  art,  ending  in  the  historic  period  proper. 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


81 


Speculation  upon  the  period  of  time  represented  by  this  section 
would  be  useless,  and  an  attempt  to  correlate  the  events  recorded 
with  those  shadowed  forth  in  tradition  would  be  equally  vain.  The 
earliest  period  is  probably  beyond  the  ken  of  tradition,  and  the  last 
marks  the  historic  period  of  Aztec  occupation. 


Special  Session,  October  n,  1884. 

In  accordance  with  a call  of  the  Council,  the  Society  met  in  special 
session  at  Columbian  University  Hall,  for  the  purpose  of  listening 
to  an  address  from  Prof.  E.  B.  Tylor,  of  Oxford  University,  Eng- 
land. 

Through  invitation  extended  by  order  of  the  council  there  were 
also  present  members  of  the  Philosophical  and  Biological  Societies, 
of  the  Cosmos  Club,  as  well  as  officers,  professors  and  students  of 
Columbian  University. 

The  Society  was  called  to  order  by  President  Powell,  who  in  a 
few  words  introduced  the  speaker,  who  delivered  the  following  ad- 
dress on — 

* 

“HOW  THE  PROBLEMS  OF  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGY  PRESENT  THEM- 
SELVES TO  THE  ENGLISH  MIND.” 

I have  seldom,  ladies  and  gentlemen,  felt  myself  in  a more  diffi- 
cult position  than  I do  at  this  moment.  Yesterday  morning,  when 
we  returned  from  an  expedition  out  into  the  far  west — an  expedition 
which  your  President  was  to  have  joined,  but  which,  to  our,  great 
regret,  he  was  obliged  to  give  up — I heard  that  at  this  meeting  of 
the  Anthropological  Society  of  Washington  I should  be  called  upon 
to  make,  not  merely  a five-minutes’  speech,  but  a subtantial  address; 
and  since  that  time  my  mind  has  been  almost  entirely  full  of  the 
new  things  that  I have  been  seeing  and  hearing  in  the  domain  of 
anthropology  in  this  city.  I have  been  seeing  the  working  of  that 
unexampled  institution,  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology,  and  studying  the 
collections  which,  in  connection  with  the  Smithsonian  Institution, 
have  been  brought  in  from  the  most  distant  quarters  of  the  conti- 
nent ; and,  after  that,  in  odd  moments,  I have  turned  it  over  in  my 
mind,  what  can  I possibly  say  to  the  Anthropological  Society  when 
6 


82 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


I am  called  upon  to  face  them  at  thirty-six  hours’  notice?  I will 
not  apologize;  I will  do  the  best  I can. 

I quite  understand  that  Major  Powell,  who  is  a man  who  gener- 
ally has  a good  reason  for  everything  that  he  does,  had  a good 
reason  for  desiring  that  an  anthropologist  from  England  should  say 
something  as  to  the  present  state  of  the  new  and  growing  science 
in  England  as  compared  with  its  condition  in  America — for  believ- 
ing that  some  communication  would  be  acceptable  between  the  old 
country  and  the  new  upon  a subject  where  the  inhabitants  of  both 
have  so  much  interest  in  common,  and  can  render  to  one  another 
so  much  service  in  the  direction  of  their  work.  And  therefore  I 
take  it  that  I am  to  say  before  you  this  evening,  without  elaborate 
oratory  and  without  even  careful  language,  how  the  problems  of 
American  anthropology  present  themselves  to  the  English  mind. 

Now,  one  of  the  things  that  has  struck  me  most  in  America,  from 
the  anthropological  point  of  view,  is  a certain  element  of  old- 
fashionedness.  I mean  old-fashionedness  in  the  strictest  sense  of 
the  word — an  old-fashionedness  which  goes  back  to  the  time  of  the 
colonization  of  America.  Since  the  Stuart  time,  though  America, 
on  the  whole,  has  become  a country  of  most  rapid  progress  in 
development,  as  compared  with  other  districts  of  the  world,  there 
has  prevailed  in  certain  parts  of  it  % conservatism  of  even  an  intense 
character.  In  districts  of  the  older  States,  away  from  the  centres 
of  population,  things  that  are  old-fashioned  to  modern  Europe 
have  held  their  own  with  a tenacity  somewhat  surprising.  If  I 
ever  become  possessed  of  a spinning-wheel,  an  article  of  furniture 
now  scarce  in  England,  I can  hardly  get  a specimen  better  than 
in  Pennsylvania,  where  “my  great-grandmother’s  spining- wheel ” is 
shown — standing,  perhaps,  in  the  lumber-room,  perhaps  in  an  or- 
namental place  in  the  drawing-room — oftener  than  in  any  other 
country  that  I ever  visitied. 

In  another  respect  Pennsylvania  has  shown  itself  to  me  fruitful  of 
old-fashioned  products.  I was  brought  up  among  the  Quakers — 
like  so  many,  I dare  say,  who  are  present ; for  the  number  of  times 
in  the  week,  or  even  in  the  day  in  which  it  occurs  that  those  whom 
one  meets  prove  to  be  at  least  of  Quaker  descent,  represents  a pro- 
portion which  must  be  highly  pleasant  to  the  Quaker  mind.  In 
the  history  of  the  Society  of  the  Friends  there  has  recently  come 
out  a fact  unknown,  especially  to  the  Friends  themselves.  Their 
opinion  has  always  been  that  they  came  into  existence  in  the  neigh- 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


83 


borhood  of  1600,  by  spontaneous  generation,  in  an  outburst  of 
spiritual  development  in  England.  It  has  now  been  shown,  especi- 
ally by  the  researches  of  Robert  Barclay  (not  the  old  controversialist, 
but  a modern  historian,)  that  the  Quakers  were  by  no  means  the 
absolutely  independent  creation  that  they  and  others  had  supposed 
them  to  be ; that  they  were  derived  from  earlier  existing  denomina- 
tions by  a process  which  is  strictly  that  of  development.  Their 
especial  ancestors,  so  to  speak,  were  a division  of  the  early  Dutch 
sect  known  as  Mennonites.  The  Friends  have  undergone  much 
modification  as  to  theological  doctrine ; but  some  of  their  most  pro- 
nounced characteristics,  such  as  the  objection  to  war  an  oaths,  and 
even  details  of  costume,  and  the  silent  grace  before  meals,  remain 
as  proofs  of  Mennonite  derivation.  To  find  the  Mennonites  least 
changed  from  their  original  condition  is  now  less  easy  in  their  old 
homes  in  Europe  than  in  their  adopted  homes  in  the  United  States 
and  Canada,  whither  they  have  migrated  from  time  to  time  up  till 
quite  recently  in  order  to  avoid  being  compelled  to  serve  as  soldiers. 
They  have  long  been  a large  and  prosperous  body  back  in  Pennsyl- 
vania. I went  to  see  them ; and  they  are  a very  striking  instance 
of  permanency  of  institutions,  where  an  institution  or  a state  of 
society  can  get  into  prosperous  conditions  in  a secluded  place,  cut 
off  from  easy  access  of  the  world.  Among  them  are  those  who  dis- 
sent from  modern  alteration  and  changes  by  a fixed  and  unalterable 
resolution  that  they  will  not  wear  buttons,  but  will  fasten  their  coats 
with  hooks  and  eyes,  as  their  forefathers  did.  And  in  this  way 
they  show  with  what  tenacity  custom  holds  when  it  has  become 
matter  of  scrupple  and  religious  sanction.  Others  have  conformed 
more  and  more  to  the  world ; and  most  of  these  whom  I have  seen 
were  gradually  conforming  in  their  dress  and  habits,  and  showing 
symptons  of  melting  into  the  general  population.  But,  in  the  mean 
time,  America  does  offer  the  spectacle  of  a phase  of  religious  life, 
which,  though  dwindling  away  in  the  old  world  region  where  it 
arose,  is  quite  well  preserved  in  this  newer  country,  for  the  edifica- 
tion of  students  of  culture.  These  people,  who  show  such  plain 
traces  of  connection  with  the  historical  Anabaptists  that  they  may 
be  taken  as  their  living  representatives,  still  commemorate  in  their 
hymns  their  martyrs  who  fell  in  Switzerland  for  the  Anabaptist  faith. 
There  was  given  me  only  a few  days  ago  a copy  of  an  old,  scarce 
hymn-book,  anterior  to  1600,  but  still  in  use,  in  which  is  a hymn 
commemorative  of  the  martyr  Haslibach,  beheaded  for  refusing  to 


84  transactions  of  the 

conform  to  the  state  religion,  whose  head  laughed  when  it  was  cut  off. 

Now,  to  find  thus,  in  a secluded  district,  an  old  state  of  society- 
resisting  for  a time  the  modifying  influences  which  have  already 
changed  the  world  around,  is  no  exceptional  state  of  things.  It 
shows  the  very  processes  of  resisted  but  eventually  prevailing  altera- 
tion which  anthropologists  have  to  study  over  larger  regions  of 
space  and  time  in  the  general  development  of  the  world.  In  visit- 
ing my  Mennonite  friends  in  Pennsylvania,  I sometimes  noticed 
that  while  they  thought  it  nothing  strange  that  I should  come  to 
study  them  and  their  history,  yet  when  I was  asked  where  I was 
going  next,  and  confessed  with  some  modesty  that  I was  going  with 
Major  Powell  to  the  far  west  to  see  the  Zunis,  this  confession  on  my 
part  was  received  with  a look  of  amazement,  not  quite  unmingled 
with  kindly  reproof ; it  seemed  so  strange  to  my  friends  that  any 
person  travelling  about  of  his  own  will  should  deliberately  go  to 
look  at  Indians.  I found  it  hard  to  refrain  from  pointing  out  that, 
after  all,  there  is  a community  of  purpose  between  studies  of  the 
course  of  civilization  whether  carried  out  among  the  colonists  of 
Pennsylvania  or  among  the  Indians  of  New  Mexico.  Investigation 
of  the  lower  races  is  made  more  obscure  and  difficult  through  the 
absence  of  the  guidance  of  written  history,  but  the  principle  is  the 
same. 

A glance  at  the  tribes  whom  Professor  Mosel y and  I have  seen  in 
the  far  west  during  the  last  few  weeks  has  shown  one  or  two  results 
which  may  be  worth  stating ; and  one,  merely  parenthetical,  I 
think  I must  take  leave  to  mention,  though  it  lies  outside  the  main 
current  of  my  subject. 

Our  look  at  North  American  Indians,  of  whom  it  has  been  my 
lot  to  write  a good  deal  upon  second-hand  evidence,  had,  I am 
glad  to  say,  a very  encouraging  effect;  because  it  showed  that  on 
the  whole  much  of  the  writings  of  old  travelers  and  missionaries 
have  to  be  criticised,  yet  if,  when  carefully  compared,  they  agree  in 
a statement,  personal  inspection  will  generally  verify  that  statement. 
One  result  of  our  visit  has  been,  not  a diminution,  but  an  increase 
of  the  confidence  with  which  both  of  us  in  future  will  receive  the 
statements  of  travelers  among  the  Indians,  allowing  for  their  often 
being  based  upon  superficial  observation.  So  long  as  we  confine 
oui  selves  to  things  which  the  traveler  says  he  saw  and  heard,  we 
are,  I believe,  upon  very  solid  ground. 

To  turn  to  our  actual  experiences.  The  things  that  one  sees 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


85 


among  the  Indian  tribes  who  have  not  become  so  “white  ’ as  the 
Algonkins  and  the  Iroquois,  but  who  present  a more  genuine  picture 
of  old  American  life,  do  often,  and  in  the  most  vivid  way,  present 
traces  of  the  same  phenomena  with  which  one  is  so  familiar  in  old- 
world  life.  Imagine  us  sitting  in  a house  just  inside  California, 
engaged  in  what  appeared  to  be  a fruitless  endeavor  on  the  part 
of  Professor  Mosely  to  obtain  a lock  of  hair  of  a Mojave  to  add 
to  his  collection.  The  man  objected  utterly.  He  shook  his  head. 
When  pressed,  he  gesticulated  and  talked.  No  ; if  he  gave  up  that 
bit  of  hair,  he  would  become  deaf,  dumb,  grow  mad ; and,  when  the 
medicine  man  came  to  drive  away  the  malady,  it  would  be  of  no 
use,  he  would  have  to  die.  Now,  all  this  represents  a perfectly  old- 
world  group  of  ideas.  If  you  tried  to  get  a lock  of  hair  in  Italy 
or  Spain,  you  might  be  met  with  precisely  the  same  resistance;  and 
you  would  find  that  the  reason  would  be  absolutely  the  same  as  that 
which  the  Mojave  expressed, — that  by  means  of  that  lock  of  hair 
one  can  be  bewitched,  the  consequence  being  disease.  And  within 
the  civilized  world  the  old  philosophy  which  accounts  for  disease  in 
general  as  the  intrusion  of  a malignant  spirit  still  largely  remains ; 
and  the  exorcising  such  a demon  is  practised  by  white  men  as  a re- 
ligious rite,  even  including  the  act  of  exsufflating  it,  or  blowing  it 
away,  which  our  Mojave  Indian  illustrated  by  the  gesture  of  blow- 
ing away  an  imaginary  spirit,  and  which  is  well  known  as  forming 
a part  of  the  religious  rites  of  both  the  Greek  and  Roman  church. 
How  is  it  that  such  correspondence  with  old-world  ceremonies 
should  be  found  among  a tribe  like  the  Mojaves,  apparently  Mongo- 
lian people,  though  separated  geographically  from  the  Mongolians 
of  Asia?  Why  does  the  civilization,  the  general  state  of  culture,  of 
the  world,  present  throughout  the  whole  range,  in  time  and  space, 
phenomena  so  wonderfully  similar  and  uniform  ? This  question  is 
easy  to  ask ; but  it  is  the  question  which,  in  a few  words,  presents 
the  problem  which,  to  all  anthropologists  who  occupy  themselves 
with  the  history  of  culture,  is  a problem  full  of  the  most  extreme 
difficulty,  upon  which  they  will  have  for  years  to  work,  collect- 
ing and  classifying  facts,  in  the  hope  that  at  some  time  the  lucky 
touch  will  be  made  which  will  disclose  the  answer.  At  present 
there  is  none  of  an  absolute  character.  There  is  no  day  in  my  life 
when  I am  able  to  occupy  myself  with  anthropological  work,  in 
which  my  mind  does  not  swing  like  a pendulum  between  the  two 
great  possible  answers  to  this  question.  Have  the  descendants  of  a 


86 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


small  group  of  mankind  gone  on  teaching  their  children  the  same 
set  of  ideas,  carrying  them  on  from  generation  to  generation,  £rom 
age  to  age,  so  that  when  they  are  found  in  distant  regions,  among 
tribes  which  have  become  different  even  in  bodily  formation,  they 
represent  the  long-inherited  traditions  of  a common  ancestry  ? Or 
is  it  that  all  over  the  world,  man,  being  substantially  similar  in  mind, 
has  again  and  again,  under  similar  circumstances  of  life,  developed 
similar  groups  of  ideas  and  customs  ? I cannot,  I think,  use  the 
opportunity  of  standing  at  this  table  more  profitably  then  by  in- 
sisting, in  the  strongest  manner  whicn  I can  find  words  to  express, 
on  the  fundamental  importance  of  directing  attention  to  this  great 
problem,  the  solution  of  which  will  alone  bring  the  study  of  civili- 
zation into  its  full  development  as  a science. 

Let  me  put  before  you  two  or  three  cases,  from  examples  which 
have  been  brought  under  my  notice  within  the  last  few  days,  as 
illustrating  the  ways  in  which  this  problem  comes  before  us  in  all 
its  difficulty. 

This  morning,  being  in  the  museum  with  Major  Powell,  Professor 
Mosely,  and  Mr.  Holmes,  looking  at  the  products  of  Indian  life  in 
the  far  west,  my  attention  was  called  to  certain  curious  instruments 
hanging  together  in  a case  in  which  musical  instruments  are  con- 
tained. These  consisted  simply  of  flat,  oblong,  or  oval  pieces  of 
wood,  fastened  at  the  end  to  a thong,  so  as  to  be  whirled  round  and 
round,  causing  a whirring  or  roaring  noise.  The  instruments  in 
question  came,  one  from  the  Ute  Indians,  and  one  from  the  Zunis. 
Now,  if  an  Australian,  finding  himself  inspecting  the  National  muse- 
um, happened  to  stand  in  front  of  the  case  in  question,  he  would 
stop  with  feelings  not  only  of  surprise,  but  probably  of  horror ; for 
this  is  an  instrument  which  to  him  represents,  more  intensely  than 
anything  else,  a sense  of  mystery  attached  to  his  own  most  important 
religious  ceremonies,  especially  those  of  the  initiation  of  youths  to 
the  privileges  of  manhood,  where  an  instrument  quite  similar  in 
nature  is  used  for  the  purpose  of  warning  off  women  and  children. 
If  this  Australian  was  from  the  south,  near  Bass  Strait,  his  native  law 
is,  that,  if  any  woman  sees  these  instruments,  she  ought  immediately 
to  be  put  to  death;  and  the  illustration  which  he  would  give  is, 
that,  in  old  times,  Tasmania  and  Australia  formed  one  continent, 
but  that  one  unlucky  day  it  so  happened  that  certain  boys  found  one 
of  these  instruments  hidden  in  the  bush,  and  showed  it  to  their 
mothers,  whereupon  the  sea  burst  up  through  the  land  in  a deluge. 


ANTPIROFOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


87 


which  never  entirely  subsided,  but  still  remains  to  separate  Van 
Dieman’s  Land  from  Astralia.  And,  even  if  a Caffre  from  South 
Africa  were  to  visit  the  collection,  his  attention  would  be  drawn  to 
the  same  instruments,  and  he  would  be  able  to  tell  that  in  this 
country  they  were  used  for  the  purpose  of  making  loud  sounds,  and 
warning  the  women  from  the  ceremonies  attending  the  initiation  of 
boys.  How  different  the  races  and  languages  of  Australia  and 
Africa  ! yet  we  have  the  same  use  cropping  out  in  connection  with 
the  same  instrument ; and  to  complete  its  history,  it  must  be  added 
that  there  are  passages  of  Greek  literature  which  show  pretty  plainly 
that  an  instrument  quite  similar  was  used  in  the  mysteries  of  Bacchus. 
The  last  point  is,  that  it  is  a toy  well  known  to  country-people,  both 
in  Germany  and  in  England.  Its  English  name  is  the  “bull-roarer;” 
and,  when  the  children  play  with  it  in  the  country  villages,  it  is 
hardly  possible  (as  I know  by  experience)  to  distinguish  its  sound 
from  the  bellowing  of  an  angry  bull. 

In  endeavoring  to  ascertain  whether  the  occurrence  of  the  “ bull- 
roarer,”  in  so  many  regions  is  to  be  explained  by  historical  con- 
nection, or  by  independent  development,  we  have  to  take  into  con- 
sideration, first,  that  it  is  an  apparatus  so  simple  as  possibly  to  have 
been  found  out  many  times ; next,  that  its  power  of  emitting  a 
sound  audible  at  a great  distance  would  suggest  to  Australians  and 
Caffres  alike  its  usefulness  at  religious  ceremonies  from  which  it  was 
desired  to  exclude  certain  persons.  Then  we  are  led  to  another  argu- 
ment, into  which  I will  not  enter  now,  as  to  the  question  why  women 
are  excluded  in  the  most  rigid  manner  from  certain  ceremonies.  But 
in  any  event,  if  we  work  it  out  as  a mere  question  of  probabilities, 
the  hypothesis  of  repeated  reinvention  under  like  circumstances  can 
hold  its  own  against  the  hypothesis  of  historical  connection ; but 
which  explanation  is  the  true  one,  or>  whether  both  are  partly  true, 
I have  no  sufficient  means  to  decide.  Such  questions  as  these  being 
around  us  in  every  direction,  there  are  only  two  or  three  ways 
known  to  me  in  which  at  preeent  students  can  attack  them  with 
any  reasonable . prospect  of  success.  May  I briefly  try  to  state, 
not  so  much  by  precept  as  by  example,  what  the  working  of  those 
methods  is  by  which  it  is  possible,  at  any  rate,  to  make  some  en- 
croachments upon  the  great  unsolved  problem  of  anthropology. 

One  of  the  ways  in  which  it  is  possible  to  deal  with  such  a group 
of  facts  may  be  called  the  argument  from  outlandishness.  When 
a circumstance  is  so  uncommon  as  to  excite  surprise,  and  to  lead 


88 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  .THE 


one  to  think  with  wonder  why  it  should  have  come  into  existence, 
and  when  that  thing  appears  in  two  different  districts,  we  have  more 
ground  for  saying  that  there  is  a certain  historical  connection  be- 
tween the  two  cases  of  its  appearance  than  in  the  comparison  of 
more  commonplace  matters.  Only  this  morning  a case  in  point 
was  brought  rather  strongly  under  my  notice ; not  that  the  facts  were 
unknown,  for  we  have  been  seeing  them  for  days  past  at  Zuni. 
The  Indians  of  the  north,  and  especially  the  Iroquois,  were,  as  we 
know,  apt  to  express  their  ideas  by  picture-writings,  in  the  detailed 
study  of  which  Col.  Mallery  is  now  engaged.  One  sign  which 
habitually  occurs  is  the  picture  of  an  animal  in  which  a line  is 
drawn  from  the  throat,  through  the  picture  of  the  animal,  termi- 
nating in  the  heart.  Now,  the  North  American  Indians  of  the  lake 
district  have  a distinct  meaning  attached  to  this  peculiar  heart-line, 
which  does  not  attach  to  ordinary  pictures  of  animals  ; they  mean 
some  animal  which  is  living,  and  whose  life  is  affected  in  some  way 
by  a charm  of  some  kind. 

It  is  expressly  stated  by  Schoolcraft  that  a picture  he  gives  of  a 
wolf  with  such  a heart-line  means  a wolf  with  a charmed  heart.  It 
is  very  remarkable  to  find,  among  the  Zunis,  representations  of  deer 
and  other  animals  drawn  in  the  same  manner;  and  the  natural  infer- 
ence is,  that  the  magic  of  the  Iroquois  and  the  Zunis  is  connected, 
and  of  more  or  less  common  origin.  I verified  this  supposition  by 
asking  Mr.  Cushing,  our  authority  on  Zuni  language  and  ideas,  what 
idea  was  generally  attached  to  this  well-known  symbol ; and  his 
answer  was,  that  it  indicated  a living  animal  on  which  magical  influ- 
ence was  being  exerted.  May  we  not,  then,  consider — leaving  out 
of  the  question  the  point  whether  the  Pueblo  people  invented  the 
heart-line  as  a piece  of  their  magic  and  the  nomad  tribes  of  the  north 
picked  it  up  from  them,  or  whether  it  came  down  from  the  northern 
tribes  and  was  adopted  by  the  southern,  or  whether  both  had  it  from 
a common  source — that,  at  any  rate,  there  is  some  ground,  upon  the 
score  of  mere  outlandishness,  for  supposing  that  such  an  idea  could 
not  occur  without  there  being  some  educational  connection  between 
the  two  groups  of  tribes  possessing  it,  and  who  could  hardly  have 
taken  it  by  independent  development. 

To  mention  an  instance  of  the  opposite  kind ; I bought  a few 
days  ago,  amonge  the  Mojaves,  a singular  article  of  dress, — a na- 
tive woman’s  girdle,  with  its  long  fringe  of  twisted  bark.  This  or, 
rather  two  of  these  put  on  so  as  to  form  one  complete  skirt  used  to 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


89 


be  her  only  garment ; and  it  is  still  worn  from  old  custom,  but  now 
covered  by  a petticoat  of  cotton,  generally  made  of  several  pocket- 
handkerchiefs  in  the  piece,  bought  from  the  traders.  Under  these 
circumstances,  it  has  become  useless  as  a garment,  only  serving  as 
what  I understand  is  called  in  the  civilized  world  “a dress-improver;” 
the  effect  of  which,  indeed,  the  Mojave  women  perfectly  understand, 
and  avail  themselves  of  in  the  most  comic  manner.  Suppose,  now, 
that  we  had  no  record  of  how  this  fantastic  fashion  came  into  use 
among  them  : It  has  only  to  be  compared  with  the  actual  wearing 
of  bark  garments  in  Further  Asia  and  the  Pacific  Islands  in  order 
to  tell  its  own  history, — that  it  is  a remnant  of  the  phase  of  culture 
where  bark  is  the  ordinary  material  for  clothing.  But  the  anthropo- 
logist could  not  be  justified  in  arguing  from  this  bark-wearing  that 
the  ancestors  of  the  Mojaves  had  learned  it  from  Asiatics.  Inde- 
pendent development,  acting  not  only  where  men’s  minds,  but  their 
circumstances,  are  similar,  must  be  credited  with  much  of  the  simi- 
larity of  customs.  It  is  curious  that  the  best  illustrations  of  this 
do  not  come  from  customs  which  are  alike  in  detail  in  two  places, 
and  so  may  be  accounted  for,  like  the  last  example,  by  emigration 
from  one  place  to  another.  We  find  it  much  easier  to  deal  with 
practices  similar  enough  to  show  corresponding  workings  of  the 
human  mind,  but  also  different  enough  to  show  separate  formation. 
Only  this  morning  I met  with  an  excellent  instance  of  this.  Dr. 
Yarrow,  your  authority  on  the  subject  of  funeral  rites,  described  to 
me  a custom  of  the  Utes  of  disposing  of  the  bodies  of  men  they 
feared  and  hated  by  putting  them  under  water  in  streams.  After 
much  inquiry,  he  found  that  the  intention  of  this  proceeding  was  to 
prevent  their  coming  back  to  molest  the  survivors.  Now,  there  is 
a passage  in  an  old  writer  on  West  Africa  where  it  is  related,  that, 
when  a man  died,  his  widow  would  have  herself  ducked  in  the  rivei 
in  order  to  get  rid  of  his  ghost,  which  would  be  hanging  about  her, 
especially  if  she  were  one  of  his  most  loved  wives.  Having  thus 
drowned  him  of,  she  was  free  to  marry  again.  Here,  then,  is  the 
idea  that  water  is  impassable  to  spirits,  worked  out  in  different  ways 
in  Africa  and  America,  but  showing  in  both  the  same  principle; 
which,  indeed,  is  manifested  by  so  many  peoples  in  the  idea  of 
bridges  for  the  dead  to  pass  real  or  imaginary  streams,  from  the 
threads  stretched  across  brooks  in  Burmah  for  the  souls  of  friends 
to  cross  by,  to  Catlin’s  slippery  pine-log  for  the  Choctaw  dead  to 
pass  the  dreadful  river.  In  such  correspondences  of  principle  we 


90 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


trace,  more  clearly  than  in  mere  repetition  of  a custom  or  belief, 
the  community  of  human  intellect. 

But  I must  not  turn  these  remarks  into  what,  under  ordinary  cir- 
cumstances, would  be  a lecture.  I have  been  compelled  to  address 
myself,  not  so  much  to  the  statement  in  broad  terms  of  general 
principles,  as  to  points  of  detail  of  this  kind,  because  it  is  almost 
impossible,  in  the  present  state  of  anthropology,  to  work  by  abstract 
terms;  and  the  best  way  of  elucidating  a working-principle  is  to 
discuss  some  actual  case.  There  are  now  two  or  three  practical 
points  on  which  I may  be  allowed  to  say  a few  words. 

The  principle  of  development  in  civilization,  which  represents 
one  side  of  the  great  problem  I have  been  speaking  of,  is  now  be- 
ginning to  receive  especial  cultivation  in  England.  While  most 
museums  have  been  at  work,  simply  collecting  objects  and  imple- 
ments, the  museum  of  Gen.  Pitt-Rivers,  now  about  to  be  removed 
from  London  to  Oxford,  is  entirely  devoted  to  the  working  out  of 
the  development  theory  on  a scale  hardly  attempted  hitherto.  In 
this  museum  are  collected  specimens  of  weapons  and  implements, 
so  as  to  ascertain  by  what  steps  they  may  be  considered  to  have 
arisen  among  mankind,  and  to  arrange  them  in  consecutive  series. 
Development,  however,  is  not  always  progress,  but  may  work  itself 
out  into  lines  of  degeneration.  There  are  certain  states  of  society 
in  which  the  going-down  of  arts  and  sciences  is  as  inevitable  a state 
of  things  as  progress  is  in  the  more  fortunate  regions  in  which  we 
live.  Anthropologists  will  watch  with  the  greatest  interest  what 
effect  this  museum  of  development  will  have  upon  their  science. 
Gen.  Pitt-Rivers  was  led  into  the  formation  of  the  remarkable  col- 
lection in  question  in  an  interesting  manner.  He  did  not  begin 
life  either  a$  an  evolutionist  or  as  an  anthropologist.  He  was  a 
soldier.  His  business,  at  a particular  time  of  his  life,  was  to  serve 
on  a committee  on  small-arms,  appointed  to  reform  the  armament  of 
the  British  army,  which  at  that  time  was  to  a great  extent  only  pro- 
vided with  the  most  untrustworthy  of  percussion-muskets.  He  then 
found  that  a rifle  was  an  instrument  of  gradual  growth  ; for  the  new 
rifles  which  it  was  his  duty  to  inspect  had  not  come  into  existence 
at  once  and  independently.  When  he  came  to  look  carefully  into 
the  history  of  his  subject,  it  appeared  that  some  one  had  improved 
the  lock,  then  some  one  the  rifling,  and  then  others  had  made  fur- 
ther improvements ; and  this  process  had  gone  on  until  at  last  there 
came  into  existence  a gun,  which,  thus  perfected,  was  able  to  hold 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


91 


its  own  in  a permanent  form.  He  collected  the  intermediate  stages 
through  which  a good  rifle  arose  out  of  a bad  one ; and  the  idea 
began  to  cross  his  mind  that  the  course  of  change  which  happened 
to  rifles  was  very  much  what  ordinarily  happens  with  other  things. 

So  he  set  about  collecting,  and  filled  his  house  from  the  cellar  to 
the  attic,  hanging  on  his  walls  series  of  all  kinds  of  weapons  and 
other  instruments  which  seemed  to  him  to  form  links  in  a great 
chain  of  development.  The  principle  that  thus  became  visible  to 
him  in  weapon -development  is  not  less  true  through  the  whole  range 
of  civilization  ; and  we  shall  soon  be  able  to  show  to  every  anthro- 
pologist who  visits  Oxford  the  results  of  that  attempt.  And  when 
the  development  theory  is  seen  in  that  way,  explaining  the  nature 
and  origin  of  our  actual  arts  and  customs  and  ideas,  and  their 
gradual  growth  from  ruder  and  earlier  states  of  culture,  then  an- 
thropology will  come  before  the  public  mind  as  a new  means  of 
practical  instruction  in  life. 

Speaking  of  this  aspect  of  anthropology  leads  me  to  say  a word 
on  another  hardly  less  important.  On  my  first  visit  to  this  country, 
nearly  thirty  years  ago,  I made  a journey  in  Mexico  with  the  late 
Henry  Christy,  a man  who  impressed  his  personality  very  deeply 
on  the  science  of  man.  He  was  led  into  this  subject  by  his  con- 
nection with  Dr.  Hodgkin;  the  two  being  at  first  interested,  from 
the  philanthropist’s  point  of  view,  in  the  preservation  of  the  less 
favored  races  of  man,  and  taking  part  in  a society  for  this  purpose 
known  as  the  Aborigines’  protection  society.  The  observation  of 
the  indigenous  tribes  for  philanthropic  reasons  brought  the  fact  into 
view  that  such  peoples  of  low  culture  were  in  themselves  of  the  high- 
est interest  as  illustrating  the  whole  problem  of  stages  of  civilization  ; 
and  this  brought  about  the  establishment  of  the  Ethnological  So- 
ciety in  England,  Henry  Christy’s  connection  with  which  origin- 
ated his  plan  of  forming  an  ethnological  museum.  The  foundations 
of  the  now  celebrated  Christy  collection  were  laid  on  our  Mexican 
journey;  and  I was  witness  to  his  extraordinary  power  of  knowing, 
untaught,  what  it  was  the  business  of  an  anthropologist  to  collect, 
and  what  to  leave  uncollected : how  very  useless  for  anthropologic 
purposes  mere  curiosities  are,  and  how  priceless  are  every-day  things. 
The  two  principles  which  tend  most  to  the  successful  work  of  an- 
thropology— the  systematic  collection  of  the  products  of  each  stage 
of  civilization,  and  the  arrangement  of  their  sequence  in  develop- 
ment— are  thus  the  leading  motives  of  our  two  great  anthropological 


museum. 


92 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


To  my  mind,  one  of  the  most  remarkable  things  I have  seen  in 
this  country  is  the  working  of  the  bureau  of  ethnology  as  part  of  the 
general  working  of  the  Government  department  to  which  it  belongs. 
It  is  not  for  me,  on  this  occasion,  to  describe  the  working  of  the 
Smithsonian  Institution,  with  its  research  and  publications  extend- 
ing almost  through  the  whole  realm  of  science;  nor  to  speak  of  the 
services  of  that  eminent  investigator  and  organizer,  Prof.  Spencer 
F.  Baird.  It  is  the  department  occupied  with  the  science  of  man 
of  which  I have  experience;  and  I do  not  think  that  anywhere  else 
in  the  world  such  an  official  body  of  skilled  anthropologists,  each 
knowing  his  own  special  work,  and  devoted  to  it,  can  be  paralleled. 
The  bureau  of  ethnology  is  at  present  devoting  itself  especially  to 
the  working-up  of  the  United  States,  and  to  the  American  conti- 
nent in  general,  but  not  neglecting  other  parts  of  the  world.  And 
I must  say  that  I have  seen  with  the  utmost  interest  the  manner  in 
which  the  central  organism  of  the  bureau  of  ethnology  is  perform- 
ing the  functions  of  an  amasser  and  collector  of  all  that  is  worth 
knowing;  how  Major  Powell  is  not  only  a great  explorer  and  worker 
himself,  but  has  the  art  of  infusing  his  energy  and  enthusiastic  spirit 
through  the  branches  of  an  institution  which  stands  almost  alone, 
being,  on  the  one  hand,  an  institution  doing  the  work  of  a scientific 
society,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  an  institution  doing  that  work  with 
the  power  and  leverage  of  a government  department.  If  we  talked 
of  working  a government  institution  in  England  for  the  progress  of 
anthropology  in  the  way  in  which  it  is  being  done  here  we  should  be 
met  with — silence,  or  a civil  answer,  but  with  no  practical  result ; 
and  any  one  venturing  to  make  the  suggestion  might  run  the  risk 
of  being  classed  with  that  large  body  described  here  as  “cranks.” 
The  only  way  in  which  the  question  can  be  settled,  how  far  a gov- 
ernment may  take  up  scientific  research  as  a part  of  its  legitimate 
functions,  is  by  practical  experiment;  and  somehow  or  other  your 
president  is  engaged  in  getting  that  experiment  tried,  with  an 
obvious  success,  which  may  have  a great  effect.  If  in  future  a prop, 
osition  to  ask  for  more  government  aid  for  anthropology  is  met  with 
the  reply  that  such  ideas  are  fanatical,  and  that  such  schemes  will 
produce  no  good  results,  we  have  a very  good  rejoinder  in  Wash- 
ington. The  energy  with  which  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology  works 
throughout  its  distant  ramifications  has  been  a matter  of  great  in- 
terest. It  is  something  like  what  one  used  to  hear  of  the  organiza- 
tion of  the  Jesuits,  with  their  central  authority  in  a room  in  a Roman 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


93 


palace,  whence  directions  were  sent  out  which  there  was  some  agent 
in  every  country  town  ready  to  carry  out  with  skill  and  zeal.  For 
instance,  it  was  interesting  at  Zuni  to  follow  the  way  in  which  Colonel 
and  Mrs.  Stevenson  were  working  the  pueblo,  trading  for  speci- 
mens, and  bringing  together  all  that  was  most  valuable  and  inter- 
esting in  tracing  the  history  of  that  remarkable  people.  Both  man- 
aged to  identify  themselves  with  the  Indian  life.  And  one  thing  I 
particularly  noticed  was  this,  that  to  get  at  the  confidence  of  a 
tribe,  the  man  of  the  house,  though  he  can  do  a great  deal,  cannot 
do  all.  If  his  wife  sympathizes  with  his  work,  and  is  able  to  do  it, 
really  half  of  the  work  of  investigation  seems  to  me  to  fall  to  her, 
so  much  is  to  be  learned  through  the  women  of  the  tribe  which  the 
men  will  not  readily  disclose.  The  experience  seemed  to  me  a 
lesson  to  anthropologists  not  to  sound  the  “ bull-roarer,”  and  warn 
the  ladies  off  from  their  proceedings,  but  rather  to  avail  themselves 
thankfully  of  their  help. 

Only  one  word  more,  and  I will  close.  Years  ago,  when  I first 
knew  the  position  occupied  by  anthropology,  this  position  was  far 
inferior  to  that  which  it  now  holds.  It  was  deemed,  indeed,  curious 
and  amusing ; and  travelers  had  even,  in  an  informal  way,  shown 
human  nature  as  displayed  among  out-of-the-way  tribes  to  be  an 
instructive  study.  But  one  of  the  last  things  thought  of  in  the  early 
days  of  anthropology  was  that  it  should  be  of  any  practical  use. 
The  effect  of  a few  years’  work  all  over  the  world  shows  that  it  is 
not  only  to  be  an  interesting  theoretical  science,  but  that  it  is  to  be 
an  agent  in  altering  the  actual  state  of  arts  and  beliefs  and  institu- 
tions in  the  world.  For  instance  : look  at  the  arguments  on  com- 
munism in  the  tenure  of  land  in  the  hands  of  a writer  who  thinks 
how  good  it  would  be  if  every  man  always  had  his  share  of  the  land. 
The  ideas  and  mental  workings  of  such  a philosopher  are  quite  dif- 
ferent from  those  of  an  anthropologist,  who  knows  land-communism 
is  an  old  and  still  existing  institution  of  the  world,  and  can  see 
exactly  how,  after  the  experience  of  ages,  its  disadvantages  have 
been  found  to  outweigh  its  advantages,  so  that  it  tends  to  fall  out 
of  use.  In  any  new  legislation  on  land,  the  information  thus  to  be 
given  by  anthropology  must  take  its  place  as  an  important  factor. 

Again : when  long  ago  I began  to  collect  materials  about  old 
customs,  nothing  was  farther  from  my  thoughts  than  the  idea  that 
they  would  be  useful.  By  and  by  it  did  become  visible,  that  to 
show  that  a custom  or  institution  which  belonged  to  an  early  state 


94 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


of  civilization  had  lasted  on  by  mere  conservatism  into  a newer 
civilization,  to  which  it  is  unsuited,  would  somehow  affect  the  pub- 
lic mind  as  to  the  question  whether  this  custom  or  institution  should 
be  kept  up,  or  done  away  with.  Nothing  has  for  months  past  given 
me  more  unfeigned  delight  than  when  I saw  in  the  Times  newspaper 
the  corporation  of  the  city  of  London  spoken  of  as  a survival.” 
You  have  institutions  even  here  which  have  outlived  their  original 
place  and  purpose ; and  indeed  it  is  evident,  that  when  the  course  of 
civilization  is  thoroughly  worked  out  from  beginning  to  end,  the 
description  of  it  from  beginning  to  end  will  have  a very  practical 
effect  upon  the  domain  of  practical  politics.  Politicians  have,  it  is 
true,  little  idea  of  this  as  yet.  But  it  already  imposes  upon  bodies 
like  this  Anthropological  Society  a burden  of  responsibility  which 
was  not  at  first  thought  of.  We  may  hope,  however,  that  under 
such  leaders  as  we  have  here,  the  science  of  anthropology  will  be 
worked  purely  for  its  own  sake ; for,  the  moment  that  anthropolo- 
gists take  to  cultivating  their  science  as  a party-weapon  in  politics 
and  religion,  this  will  vitiate  their  reasonings  and  arguments,  and 
spoil  the  scientific  character  of  their  work.  I have  seen  in  England 
bad  results  follow  from  a premature  attempt  to  work  anthropology 
on  such  controversial  lines,  and  can  say  that  such  an  attempt  is  not 
only  in  the  long-run  harmful  to  the  effect  of  anthropology  in  the 
world,  but  disastrous  to  its  immediate  position.  My  recommenda- 
tion to  students  is  to  go  right  forward,  like  a horse  in  blinkers, 
neither  looking  to  the  right  hand  nor  to  the  left.  Let  us  do  our 
own  work  with  a simple  intention  to  find  out  what  the  principles 
and  courses  of  events  have  been  in  the  world,  to  collect  all  the  facts, 
to  work  out  all  the  inferences,  to  reduce  the  whole  into  a science ; 
and  then  let  practical  life  take  it  and  make  the  best  it  can  of  it.  In 
this  way  the  science  of  man,  accepted  as  an  arbiter,  not  by  a party 
only,  but  by  the  public  judgment,  will  have  soonest  and  most  per- 
manently its  due  effect  on  the  habits  and  laws  and  thoughts  of 
mankind. 

I am  afraid  I have  not  used  well,  under  such  short  and  difficult 
conditions,  the  opportunity  which  you  have  done  me  the  great 
pleasure  and  honor  of  giving  me  here.  I have  tried,  as  I said  I 
would,  to  put  in  the  simplest  way  before  you  some  considerations 
which  appear  to  me  as  of  present  importance  in  our  science,  both 
in  the  old  world  and  in  the  new,  and  I thank  you  in  the  heartiest 
way  possible  for  the  opportunity  you  have  given  me  to  do  this. 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


95 


At  the  close  of  the  address  a vote  of  thanks  was  moved  by  Judge 
Arthur  McArthur,  of  the  Supreme  bench  of  the  District  of  Columbia, 
and  passed  unanimously. 

The  President  announced  that  by  direction  of  the  Council  there 
would  be  no  regular  meeting  of  the  Society  until  the  third  Tuesday 
in  November. 


Eighty-Fifth  Regular  Meeting,  November  18,  1884. 

Major  J.  W.  Powell,  President,  in  the  Chair. 

The  President  stated  that  by  action  of  the  Council  a place  for  the 
future  meetings  of  the  Society  had  been  secured  at  the  Columbian 
University. 

The  Secretary  of  the  Council  announced  the  election  of  Mr.  M. 
D.  Kerr,  of  the  U.  S.  Geological  Survey,  as  an  active  member  of 
the  Society. 

A paper  entitled  ‘ ‘Australian  Group  Relations,”  by  Alfred 
W.  Howitt  of  Gippsland,  Australia,  was  then  read  by  Col,  Seely.* 


Eighty-Sixth  Regular  Meeting,  December  2,  1884. 

Major  J.  W.  Powell,  President,  in  the  Chair. 

The  Secretary  of  the  Council  announced  the  election  as  active 
members  of  Messrs.  Victor  Mindeleff,  Cosmos  Mindeleff,  Wm.  M. 
Poindexter,  and  Wm.  H.  Babcock. 

Dr.  Franz  Boas  read  a paper  on  “ The  Eskimo  of  Baffin  Land.’  ’ 

Although  the  shores  of  Baffin  Land  have  been  visited  by  whalers 
for  a very  long  time,  there  was  still  little  known  about  the  Eskimo 
tribes  inhabiting  this  tract  of  land. 

The  southwesternmost  region,  the  land  about  King?s  Cape,  is 
called  by  the  natives  Sicosuilar,  i.  e.,  a land  which  has  no  fixed  ice 
floe  during  the  winter.  It  is  inhabited  by  the  Sicosuilarmiut,  who 
go  deer  hunting  in  the  low  land  farther  north.  They  have  inter- 
course with  the  natives  of  the  north  shore  of  Labrador,  the  Iglu- 


* Printed  in  the  Smithsonian  Report  for  1883. 


96 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


miut,  i.  e. , the  inhabitants  of  the  other  side,  crossing  Hudson  Strait 
from  King’s  Cape  to  Cape  Wolstenholme. 

The  middle  region  of  the  north  shore  of  Hudson  Strait  is  inhab- 
ited by  the  Akudliarmiut  who  go  deer  hunting  to  the  large  lake  Ag- 
makdgua,  where  they  meet  with  the  Nugumiut,  the  inhabitants  of 
the  peninsula  between  Frobisher  Bay  and  Cumberland  Sound.  The 
shore  of  Davis  Strait  is  divided  into  three  parts : — Oko,  Akudnirn, 
and  Aggo,  i.  e.,  the  lee  side,  the  centre,  and  the  weather  side. 
Oko,  the  land  of  the  Cumberland  Sound,  is  inhabited  by  the  Okomiut 
who  in  olden  times  were  divided  into  the  Tellirpingmiut  on  the 
west  shore  of  Cumberland  Sound;  the  Kinguamiut,  at  the  head 
of  it ; the  Kignaitmiut  on  the  high  Cumberland  peninsula,  and 
finally  the  Saumingmiut  on  Davis  Strait,  as  far  as  Exeter  Bay 
and  Cape  Dier.  As  the  number  of  the  Okomiut  has  been  greatly 
diminished  there  scarcely  exists  any  difference  between  these  tribes 
now. 

The  inhabitants  of  Padli  are  nearer  to  the  Akudnirmiut  than  to 
the  Okomiut.  The  Aggomiut  consist  of  two  tribes : The  Tudnu- 
mirmiut  of  Pond’s  Bay,  and  the  Tudnunirossirmiut  of  Admiralty 
Inlet.  Besides  there  are  the  Iglulingmiut  of  Fury  and  Hecla  Strait, 
with  whom  we  have  been  made  acquainted  by  Parry  and  Hall. 

I have  visited  the  different  tribes  of  Cumberland  Sound  and 
Davis  Strait  as  far  as  Akudnirn,  and  no  settlement  in  this  country 
escaped  my  notice.  As  there  are  quite  a number  of  natives  of  differ- 
ent tribes  settled  among  these  I was  able  to  gather  a good  deal  of 
information  about  all  the  Eskimos  from  Sicosuilar  to  Tudnunirn. 

The  most  interesting,  tribe  are  the  Tellirpingmiut,  the  inhab- 
itants of  the  west  shore  of  Cumberland  Sound,  more  particularly 
speaking,  of  Nettilling  fiord.  This  is  one  of  the  few  Eskimo  tribes 
living  inland.  From  former  reports  we  only  learned  that  the  Kin- 
nepatu,  the  Eskimo  of  Chesterfield  Inlet,  on  the  west  shore  of 
Hudson  Bay,  live  nearly  all  the  year  round  on  deer  and  musk  oxen, 
which  they  hunt  on  the  plains  between  Back  River  and  Chesterfield 
Inlet,  only  poming  down  to  the  seaside  during  the  winter. 

At  the  present  time  the  Tellirpingmiut  have  the  same  custom. 
In  the  month  of  May  they  leave  their  winter  settlement  and  travel 
with  their  dogs  and  sledges  inland  to  the  large  lake  Nettilling, 
(Lake  Kennedy,  of  the  old  charts)  and  get  to  the  place  of  their 
settlement,  Tikerakdjuak,  on  the  south  shore  of  the  lake,  long 
before  the  ice  breaks  up.  They  take  with  them  one  or  more  bags 
of  blubber  for  their  lamps;  but  sometimes  they  do  not  even  carry 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


97 


as  much,  as  they  are  able  to  cook  with  the  heather  found  in  abun- 
dance on  the  vast  plains  of  the  lake,  and  burn  deer  marrow  in  their 
lamps. 

Now  and  then  they  secure  a seal  in  the  lake,  but  they  cannot  rely 
on  their  hunt  as  these  animals  are  too  few  in  number.  In  the  west- 
ern part  of  the  lake  they  seem  to  be  more  plentiful ; but  in  the  east- 
ern portion  their  number  has  been  greatly  diminished.  I suppose 
that  this  is  principally  the  reason  why  the  Tellirpingmiut  do  not 
any  longer  stay  all  the  year  round  on  the  shores  of  the  lake  as  many 
of  them  formerly  did.  They  seem  to  have  spent  there  the  greater 
portion  of  their  lives,  occasionally  visiting  the  seaside  to  provide 
themselves  with  skins  of  the  young  and  old  seals.  It  very  seldom 
happens  now  that  any  men  winter  inland,  as  the  number  of  seals 
is  too  small.  In  the  spring  of  the  year  they  live  on  deer  and  the 
innumerable  birds  which  are  caught  while  molting.  The  Eskimos 
return  to  the  entrance  of  Neltilling  fiord  about  the  beginning  of 
December,  when  the  ice  in  the  fiords  is  strong  and  well  covered  with 
snow. 

The  other  Okomiut,  who  are  settled  in  four  places  on  the  west 
shore,  two  on  the  east  shore,  and  one  between  Cape  Mercy  and 
Cape  Micklesham,  never  leave  the  coast  for  any  length  of  time. 
Only  a few  go  in  their  boats  also  to  Lake  Nettilling,  as  this  is  the 
best  place  for  deer  hunting.  They  leave  after  the  breaking  up  of 
the  ice  in  July  and  return  during  the  first  days  of  October. 

By  far  the  most  of  them  spend  the  summer  at  the  head  of  the  fiords 
whence  they  start  deer  hunting  inland,  returning  after  a few  days’ 
absence.  The  old  men  and  the  women  meanwhile  live  on  salmon 
which  are  caught  in  abundance  in  the  small  rivers  emptying  into 
the  fiords.  In  winter  they  settle  on  the  islands  nearest  to  the  open 
sea.  Throughout  the  cold  months  until  the  sun  rises  higher  they 
go  sealing  with  the  harpoon,  watching  the  seal  at  its  breathing  hole. 
In  March,  while  the  seal  brings  forth  its  young,  all  the  natives  are 
eager  to  secure  as  large  a number  as  possible  of  young  seal  skins, 
which  are  highly  valued  for  the  under  jackets  and  winter  pants  for 
men  and  women. 

In  the  fall  the  inhabitants  of  Saumia  and  Padli  secure  a great 
number  of  walruses  which  supply  them  with  food  and  blubber  until 
late  in  the  winter.  They  only  go  sealing  in  order  to  enjoy  them- 
selves, as  they  generally  have  sufficient  walrus  meat  to  last  them  the 
whole  year. 

7 


98 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


Sometimes  even  there  is  some  left  in  summer.  In  spring  they 
go  bear  hunting.  The  skins  of  these  animals  are  exchanged  for 
guns  and  ammunition,  when  the  whalers  visit  the  coast  returning 
from  their  hunting  grounds  off  Lancaster  Sound. 

The  Tudnunirmiut  hunt  the  white  whale  and  the  narwhal  whose 
ivory  is  highly  valued. 

Though  the  Eskimos  shift  their  habitations  according  to  the  sea- 
sons from  one  place  to  another  we  must  not  consider  them  a people 
without  stationary  abodes,  for  at  certain  seasons  they  are  always 
found  at  the  same  places. 

There  are  some  doubts  about  the  origin  of  the  old  stone  founda- 
tions met  with  in  every  part  of  Arctic  America,  even  in  countries 
not  any  longer  inhabited  by  Eskimos,  as  the  Parry  Archipelago  and 
the  northern  part  of  East  Greenland.  It  was  believed  that  the  cen- 
tral Eskimos  forgot  the  art  of  building  stone  houses  and  only  lived 
in  snow  huts. 

In  Baffin  Land  I found  a great  number  of  stone,  turf,  and  sod 
foundations,  apparently  of  very  ancient  origin.  If  the  Eskimos  come 
to  a place  where  they  know  that  stone  houses  exist  they  build  these 
up  into  a comfortable  home,  covering  the  old  walls  with  a double 
seal-skin  roof  and  heather.  In  the  settlement  Anarnitung,  near 
the  head  of  Cumberland  Sound,  and  at  Okkiadliving,  on  Davis 
Strait,  they  frequently  live  in  these  houses  which  they  call  Kag- 
mong.  . 

I found  two  different  styles  of  construction,  one  with  a very  large 
floor  and  a remarkably  short  bed-place  ; the  other  with  both  parts  of 
about  the  same  size.  The  former  the  Eskimos  ascribe  to  the  Tunnit, 
or  as  they  are  often  called,  Tudnikjuak,  a people  playing  a great 
part  in  their  tales  and  traditions.  The  latter  are  ascribed  to  their 
own  ancestors,  the  ancient  Eskimos. 

Indeed  they  do  not  build  any  stone  houses  now,  as  they  always 
find  in  the  places  of  their  winter  settlements  the  old  structures  which 
are  fully  sufficient  for  the  number  of  men  inhabiting  the  country  now, 
which  is  very  small  as  compared  with  that  of  former  times.  From 
different  reports  I conclude  that  Cumberland  Sound  about  fifty  years 
ago  was  inhabited  by  2,500  Eskimos  who  are  now  reduced  to  about 
300  souls. 

In  winter  time  they  mostly  build  snow  houses  consisting  of  a high 
dome  with  a few  smaller  vaults  attached,  used  as  entrances  which 
keep  the  cold  air  out  of  the  main  room.  The  Okomiut  and  Akud- 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


99 


nirmiut  cover  the  inside  of  the  same  with  seal-skins ; while  the 
Nugumiut  and  Akudlirmiut  leave  the  walls  bare.  They  cut  the 
pieces  of  snow  much  thicker  and  bury  the  whole  house  in  loose  snow 
which  they  stamp  down  with  their  feet. 

In  summer  they  live  in  tents  made  of  seal-skin.  The  back  part 
is  formed  by  six  poles,  arranged  in  a semicircle  and  lashed  together 
at  their  converging  points.  Two  poles  run  from  this  junction  to  the 
entrance,  which  is  also  formed  of  two  poles.  The  Okomiut  build 
the  back  part  of  the  tents  much  less  steep  than  the  Akudnirmiut. 
The  Aggomiut  use  a tent  with  only  one  pole  in  the  center,  and 
one  for  the  entrance. 

I have  been  informed  that  three  different  styles  of  clothing  are 
used  in  Baffin  Land,  two  of  which  I have  seen  myself.  The  Sicosu- 
ilarmiut  are  said  to  use  jackets  with  a broad  tail  and  a hood,  which 
latter  is  not  pointed.  The  Nugumiut  and  Okomiut  are  very  well 
clad,  having  their  garments  neatly  trimmed  with  skins  of  different 
color  and  adorned  with  skin  straps.  Their  hoods  are  long  pointed, 
and  the  tails  of  the  women’s  jackets  very  narrow.  The  jackets  of 
the  men  have  either  no  tail  whatever,  or  one  that  is  very  short. 
The  women’s  pants  consist  of  two  parts,  the  leggins  being  fastened 
by  a string  to  the  short  breechlets. 

The  Akudnirmiut  and  Aggomiut  use  very  large  hooded  jackets 
with  a small  point  at  the  top.  Their  clothing  is  much  inferior  to 
that  of  the  Okomiut.  I have  seen  scarcely  any  attempt  to  adorn 
it  in  any  way.  The  women  wear  very  large  boots  which  reach  up 
to  the  hips.  In  Pond’s  Bay  they  are  sometimes  kept  up  by  whale 
bone,  and  they  are  in  the  habit  of  carrying  the  young  children  in 
them. 

There  exist  only  very  slight  differences  in  the  dialects  from  Akud- 
liak  to  Pond’s  Bay,  and.  those  I found  refer  only  to  the  vocabulary. 
However,  in  the  most  common  phrases,  the  way  of  greeting,  etc., 
every  tribe  has  its  own  style.  Nor  could  I find  any  differences  with 
reference  to  their  traditions.  It  is  possible  that  a number  of  the 
Oko  stories  are  unknown  in  Tudnunirn,  and  vice  versa , but  I am 
not  sufficiently  acquainted  with  the  Tudnunirmint  to  positively 
decide  the  question. 

There  are  some  differences  between  the  Okomiut  and  the  Akud- 
nirmuit  in  the  arrangement  of  feasts,  which  are  repeated  every  fall, 
during  which  some  natives  make  their  appearance  disguised  and 
masked  as  representatives  of  a fabulous  tribe. 


100 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


All  the  Eskimos  of  Baffin  Land  are  fond  of  music  and  poetry. 
They  sing  the  old  songs  of  their  people,  and  spend  the  long  winter 
nights  telling  traditions  and  singing  the  old  monotonous  tunes  of 
their  songs  or  composing  new  ones.  I made  the  acquaintance  of 
a few  poets  whose  songs  were  known  in  every  place  I visited. 

All  their  tales  and  the  themes  of  the  old  songs  are  closely  con- 
nected with  their  religious  ideas.  Though  there  is  a strong  resem- 
blance between  many  of  their  own  traditions  and  those  of  the  Green- 
landers, I found  quite  a number  of  new  tales  and  religious  ideas 
hitherto  unknown.  They  are  familiar  with  the  Erkilik  of  the 
Greenlanders,  whom  they  mostly  call  Adlet,  and  the  Tudnik,  who, 
however,  do  not  inhabit  the  interior, but  are  said  to  have  lived 
formerly  with  the  Eskimos  on  the  same  shores  and  in  the  same 
settlements.  According  to  their  tradition,  which  is  only  preserved 
in  parts  in  Greenland,  the  Adlet,  Kodlunarn,  (white  men)  and  Innuit 
are  the  children  of  one  mother  and  her  husband,  a red  dog,  who- 
]ived  at  Igluling,  in  Fury  and  Hecla  Strait.  From  there  all  the 
different  tribes  of  Innuit  are  said  to  have  spread  over  the  country, 
now  occupied  by  them. 

It  is  worth  noticing  that  the  Labrador  Eskimos  know  the  Adlat 
and  the  Tudnik  too.  In  Erdmann’s  Worterbuch  des  Labrador 
Dialects,  Adlat  is  explained  as  Indian  of  the  Interior ; Tudnik  as  a 
Greenlander.  I believe,  however,  that  these  meanings  were  given 
to  these  words  by  the  missionaries,  while  in  reality  they  signify  the 
same  as  in  Baffin  Land  and  Greenland.  To  learn  whether  there 
are  any  traditions  relating  to  the  Adlat  or  Erkillek  would  be  of 
special  interest. 

The  Eskimos  of  Baffin  Land  have  no  knowledge  of  the  Supreme 
Being,  Torngarsuk,  whom  the  Greenlanders  once  considered  to  be 
superior  to  all  the  numerous  lower  spirits  called  the  Torgnet.  Of 
these  there  are  a great  many,  but  the  most  prominent  ones  ap- 
pear in  the  shape  of  a bear,  a man,  or  a woman,  inhabiting  the 
large  boulders,  which  are  found  in  great  numbers  scattered  over  the 
country. 

These  spirits  act  as  genii  of  certain  favored  men  who  by  their 
aid  become  great  sorcerers.  They  are  able  to  cure  dieases,  to  de- 
tect offences,  to  give  good  luck  in  hunting,  and  they  visit  the  spirits 
of  the  moon  and  of  the  stars. 

The  Eskimos  entertain  a great  fear  of  the  Tupilat,  the  Spirits  of 
the  Dead,  who  kill  every  one  daring  to  offend  them.  This  is  the 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


101 


reason  why  they  are  afraid  to  touch  the  corpse  of  the  deceased, 
and  why  they  destroy  every  object  which  once  belonged  to  a dead 
Eskimo. 

The  soul  of  the  dead  Innung  goes  to  the  land  Adlivum,  beneath 
the  earth  of  which  an  evil  spirit,  Sedna,  is  mistress.  In  olden  times 
she  was  an  Eskimo  woman  herself,  married  to  a fulmar  who  used 
her  very  badly.  She  escaped  in  the  boat  of  her  father  who  flung 
her  overboard  to  save  his  own  life  from  the  wrath  of  the  bird,  after 
having  detected  the  loss  of  his  wife.  While  Sedna  clung  to  the 
edge  of  the  boat  the  father  cut  off  her  fingers  which  were  changed 
into  seals  and  whales.  To  revenge  herself  she  caused  two  dogs  to 
gnaw  off  her  father’s  feet  and  hands.  Then  the  earth  opened  and 
they  went  down  to  the  land  Adlivum.  As  the  Eskimos  kill  the  seals 
and  whales  that  have  risen  from  Sedna’s  fingers  she  hates  and  pur- 
sues them.  Only  those  who  come  to  an  unnatural  death  escape  her 
and  ascend  to  Heaven  to  the  land  Kudlivum  where  innumerable 
deer  are  found,  and  where  they  are  never  troubled  by  either  ice  or 
snow. 

Sedna  is  feared  by  the  Eskimos  even  more  than  the  Tupilat  and 
the  traditions  about  her  have  the  greatest  influence  on  their  habits, 
manifesting  itself  mostly  in  laws  about  food  and  interdiction  of 
labor  on  certain  days. 

To  compare  the  habits  and  traditions  of  the  Eskimos  of  Baffin 
Land  with  those  of  the  Smith  Sound  and  Greenland  will  be  of  much 
interest,  as  these  tribes  connect  the  central  with  the  eastern  Eskimos. 

Tribes  which  may  easily  be  studied,  and  whose  customs  are  of 
prime  importance  are  the  Sicosuilarmiut  and  Iglumiut,  and  their 
connections  with  the  Labrador  natives.  It  is  a matter  of  regret 
that  so  little  is  known  of  the  inhabitants  of  Southampton  Island  and 
of  the  west  shore  of  Hudson’s  Bay,  although  Hall  spent  five  winters 
in  those  regions.  The  researches  of  Mr.  Turner  in  Ungava  will 
fill  a great  gap  in  our  knowledge  of  the  central  tribes. 

Another  tribe  of  great  importance  are  the  inhabitants  of  Admi- 
ralty Inlet,  who  seem  to  be  very  numerous  up  to  the  present  time. 

Even  now  it  is  possible  to  trace  the  connection  between  the  tribes 
from  King  William’s  Land  to  Smith  Sound  and  Labrador.  The 
Netchillirmiut  of  Boothia  Felix,  who  are  now  mixed  with  the  Ugjulir- 
miut  of  King  William’s  Land  and  Adelaide  Peninsula  most  probably 
occupy  part  of  the  old  country  of  the  ’ Ukusiksalingmiut  of  Back 
River.  These  natives,  who  live  principally  upon  musk  oxen,  cross 


102 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


the  land  in  visiting  the  shores  of  Wager  River.  The  Netchillik 
Eskimos  travel  through  the  land  of  the  Sinimiut  of  Pelly  Bay  to 
Eivillik  (Repulse  Bay).  The  Eivillinmiut  frequently  have  inter- 
course with  the  Igluling  tribe,  who  formerly  visited  the  Cumberland 
Sound  Eskimos  by  the  way  of  Majoraridjen,  the  country  north  of 
Lake  Net  tilling  (Lake  Kennedy).  Three  roads  are  used  in  travel- 
ing from  Igluling  to  the  west  shore  of  Baffin  Bay  and  to  Lancaster 
Sound,  the  most  western  through  the  fiord  Tessiujang,  near  Cape 
Kater,  to  Admiralty  Inlet;  the  other  to  Ikalualuin  (Arctic  Sound) 
in  Eclipse  Bay  and  the  third  one  to  Anaulereelling  (Dexterity 
Bay).  The  Tudnunirossirmiut  sometimes  cross  Lancaster  Sound, 
and  were  found  on  the  western  part  of  North  Devon,  which  they 
call  Tudjan.  They  cross  this  land  and  Jones  Sound  on  sledges  and 
have  intercourse  with  a tribe  on  Ellesmere  Land,  which  they  call 
Umingmamnuna.  From  Bessels’  researches  we  know  that  they 
cross  Smith  Sound,  for  he  found  amongst  the  Ita-Eskimos  a man 
who  had  lived  in  former  years  amongst  the  Akudnimiut  on  the  east 
coast  of  Baffin  Land.  I myself  found  a native  near  Cape  Kater, 
north  of  Home  Bay,  who  had  lived  somewhere  near  Cape  Isabella 
at  the  entrance  of  Smith  Sound  for  several  years. 

The  questions  which  may  be  settled  by  a more  thorough  knowl- 
edge of  the  habits  and  traditions  of  all  these  and  the  more  western 
tribes  which  have  scarcely  been  seen  by  any  white  men,  may  prove 
of  prime  importance  for  the  solution  of  the  question  relating  to  the 
origin  and  migrations  of  this  people. 

Mr.  John  Murdoch  read  the  following  paper  on  “ Seal  Catch- 
ing at  Point  Barrow.  ’ ’ 

The  capture  of  seals  is  one  of  the  most  important  of  pursuits 
among  the  Eskimos  of  the  two  villages  at  Point  Barrow.  A failure 
of  the  seal  harvest  would  be  as  disastrous  to  them  as  the  failure  of 
the  potato  crop  to  the  Irish,  or  the  rice  crop  in  India.  Not  only 
does  the  flesh  of  the  seal  form  the  great  staple  of  food,  but  its  fat 
furnishes  them  with  oil  to  light  and  warm  their  winter  houses,  to 
oil  their  water-proof  boots  and  harpoon  lines,  and  to  keep  the  water 
out  of  their  skin  boats.  The  skin  serves  to  make  their  water-proof 
boots  and  leggings,  the  soles  of  their  winter  boots,  canteens,  the 
covers  of  the  kaiaks,  or  small  skin  canoes,  and,  rarely,  their  outer 
clothing ; cut  into  thongs  it  furnishes  a serviceable  cord  which  they 
make  into  nets  and  harpoon  lines,  and  employ  for  all  the  varied 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


103 


purposes  for  which  we  use  cord.  In  former  times  and  occasionally 
at  present,  the  skin  served  to  cover  the  summer  tent,  or  tu  pek. 
No  part  of  the  animal  is  wasted.  Even  the  entrails  are  saved,  and 
dressed,  and  made  into  water-proof  frocks  to  wear  over  the  fur  cloth- 
ing in  rainy  and  gnowy  weather.  If  their  were  no  seals  at  Point 
Barrow  there  could  be  no  Eskimos,  barren  as  the  country  is  of  fish 
and  reindeer. 

The  following  species  are  pursued  : First,  and  most  important,  the 
Ringed  Seal  or  Netyl  ( Phoca  foetida ).  This  is  the  seal  par  excellence, 
and  the  only  one  taken  in  any  considerable  numbers,  by  all  the 
methods  which  will  be  described  hereafter.  Next  in  importance  is 
the  great  Bearded  Seal,  ug'ru  (. Erignathus  barbatus).  This  is  com- 
paratively rare,  though  a good  many  are  taken  much  in  the  same 
manner  as  the  walrus  with  the  heavy  harpoon  and  rifle  from  the 
umiak.  The  skins  are  especially  valued  for  covering  the  large  skin 
boats,  and  for  making  heavy  harpoon  lines.  The  other  two  species 
are  of  extremely  rare  occurrence.  The  Harbor  Seal,  kasigia, 
(. Phoca  vitulina ) is  occasionally  caught  in  summer  in  the  nets  at 
Elson  Bay,  and  the  rare  and  beautiful  Ribbon  Seal  (. Histriophoca 
fasciata),  the  kaixolin,  is  now  and  then  taken  in  the  early  winter. 

When  the  ice-pack  comes  in  in  the  autumn,  and  the  sea  is  begin- 
ning to  close,  it  may  be  about  the  middle  of  October,  the  natives 
who  are  now  all  back  from  their  summer  wanderings  and  settled 
for  the  winter,  begin  the  pursuit  of  the  ne'etye.  At  this  season 
there  are  many  open  holes  in  the  pack  to  which  the  seals  resort. 
Here  they  are  taken  by  shooting  them  with  the  rifle  as  they  show 
their  heads  above  water,  and  securing  them  with  the  retrieving  har- 
poon or  nauligu.  The  line  and  harpoon-head  belonging  to  this 
are  generally  carried  attached  to  the  gun-case  which  is  slung  across 
the  shoulders,  and  the  shaft  serves  as  a staff  for  walking  and  climb- 
ing about  the  rough  ice.  A hunter  is  lucky  if  he  secures  more 
than  one  or  two  seals  in  this  way  in  a day’s  tramp.  He  generally 
drags  his  game  home  by  a line  looped  through  a hole  in  the  under 
jaw.  Wherever  the  sea  is  sheltered  by  grounded  ice,  it  will  freeze 
on  calm  nights  to  the  depth  of  three  or  four  inches,  and  in  these 
newly-formed  fields  of  ice  are  soon  to  be  found  small  round  holes, 
which  the  seals  have  kept  open  for  fresh  air.  The  natives  resort 
to  these  holes,  provided  with  a rifle,  a different  form  of  harpoon, 
the  una,  with  along,  slender,  loose-shaft,  fitted  for  thrusting  through 
the  small  hole,  and  a little  three-legged  stool,  mgawau'otin,  just 


104 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


large  enough  for  a man  to  stand  upon,  to  keep  the  feet  trom 
getting  chilled  by  the  ice.  A little  rod  of  ivory  is  sometimes 
thrust  down  through  the  hole  to  indicate  the  approach  of  the  seal, 
and  the  hunter  standing  or  squatting  on  the  stool  with  his  rifle 
and  spear  in  readiness,  waits  patiently  for  the  seal  to  come.  As  soon 
as  he  comes  to  the  surface  he  is  shot  through  the  head  and  the  una 
is  immediately  thrust  down  through  the  hole  to  secure  him.  The 
ivory  icepick,  tuu,  serves  to  make  the  hole  large  enough  to  drag 
him  through.  Both  these  methods  of  hunting  are  pursued  during 
the  whole  winter  whenever  there  are  open  holes  or  fields  of  newly- 
formed  ice,  and  natives  are  continually  scouring  the  ice-field  armed 
with  rifle  and  nauligu,  in  the  hopes  of  finding  open  holes.  The 
greatest  catch  of  the  year  known  takes  place  after  Nov.  15th,  when 
the  sun  has  sunk  below  the  horizon  for  his  72  days’  absence,  and 
the  nights  are  long  and  dark,  while  the  days  are  only  a few  hours’ 
twilight.  At  this  season,  wide  cracks  frequently  form  in  the  pack, 
miles  in  length  and  a mile  or  two  from  the  shore,  and  of  course  are 
a great  resort  for  the  seals.  As  soon  as  such  a crack  is  discovered, 
and  scouts  are  continually  on  the  watch  for  them,  the  men  turn  out 
in  force  and  skirt  along  the  edge  of  the  crack  till  they  find  a suita- 
ble place  for  setting  their  nets.  A place  is  selected  where  the  ice 
is  level  and  not  too  thick  for  about  100  yards  from  the  edge  of  the 
crack,  and  the  nets  are  set  as  follows:  The  net  is  made  of  seal- 
thong  in  large  meshes,  and  is  about  15  or  16  feet  long  by  10  deep. 
Two  small  holes  are  dug  through  the  ice,  about  the  length  of  the  net 
apart,  in  a line  parallel  to  the  edge  of  the  crack,  and  between  them 
is  cut  a hole  large  enough  to  admit  the  passage  of  a seal.  A long 
line  with  a plummet  on  the  end  is  let  down  through  one  of  the  small 
holes  and  grappled  and  drawn  up  through  the  middle  hole  by  a long, 
slender  pole  with  a hook  on  the  end  of  it.  This  is  made  fast  to  one 
upper  corner  of  the  net,  and  a similar  line  drawn  through  the  other 
small  hole  and  made  fast  to  the  other  upper  corner.  By  hauling  on 
these  lines  the  net  is  drawn  down  through  the  middle  hole  and  hangs 
like  a curtain  under  the  ice.  A line  is  also  attached  to  it  by  which  it 
can  again  be  drawn  up  through  the  middle  hole.  The  end  lines 
are  loosely  made  fast  to  lumps  of  ice  and  as  darkness  sets  in  the 
hunter  stations  himself  near  the  hole  and  begins  rattling  gently  on 
the  ice  with  the  butt  of  his  spear,  scraping  with  a tool  made  of  seals’ 
claws  mounted  on  a wooden  handle,  or  making  any  gentle  monoto- 
nous noise.  This  excites  the  curiosity  of  the  seals  who  are  cruising 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


105 


around  in  the  open  water,  and  one  will  at  last  come  swimming  in 
under  the  ice  towards  the  sound.  Of  course  he  strikes  against  the 
loose  net,  runs  his  head  or  flipper  through  it  and  his  struggles  to 
escape  only  serve  to  entangle  him  still  more.  The  running  out  of 
the  end  lines  informs  the  hunter  that  there  is  a seal  in  the  net.  He 
waits  till  he  thinks  that  he  is  sufficiently  entangled,  and  then  hauls 
him  up  through  the  middle  hole.  If  he  is  not  already  drowned,  his 
neck  is  broken  by  bending  the  head  back  sharply,  and  he  is  disen- 
tangled from  the  net  which  is  set  again.  Of  course,  he  very  soon 
freezes  stiff,  and  if  there  is  enough  snow  on  the  ice,  he  is  stuck  i>p 
on  his  tail,  so  as  not  to  be  covered  up  and  lost  should  a drifting 
snowstorm  come  on.  One  man  has  been  known  to  take  as  many  as 
thirty  seals  in  this  way  in  a single  night.  This  method  of  fishing 
can  only  be  practiced  in  the  darkest  nights.  A bright  moonlight, 
or  even  a bright  aurora  seriously  interferes  with  success.  The  dark 
nights  in  December,  when  the  moon  is  in  southern  declination  and 
does  not  rise,  are  generally  the  times  of  a great  catch.  The  dead 
seals  are  stacked  up  and  brought  in  when  convenient  by  the  women 
and  dogsleds.  Any  small  crack  in  the  ice  to  which  the  seals  resort 
is  immediately  surrounded  by  a cordon  of  nets  which  are  visited 
every  two  or  three  days,  and  many  seals  are  thus  taken.  About  the 
end  of  February,  when  the  sun  is  bright  and  the  ice  thick,  the  seals 
have  formed  permanent  breathing-holes  to  which  many  resort. 
When  such  a hole  is  found,  a net  is  set  flat  underneath  it,  by  mak- 
ing four  or  five  holes  round  it,  drawing  the  net  down  through  the 
main  hole,  and  the  corners  out  to  these  holes.  One  man,  who  has 
stayed  at  home  from  the  spring  deer-hunt,  will  generally  have  three 
or  four  nets  set  in  this  way,  which  he  visits  every  few  days.  This 
method  of  netting  is  kept  up  during  the  spring  till  the  ice  begins  to 
melt  on  the  surface  and  the  seals  come  out  on  it,  where  they  are 
sometimes  shot.  Many  seals  are  killed  with  rifle  and  nauligu  from 
the  Miaks  when  whaling  or  hunting  walrus  in  the  spring  and  sum- 
mer, and  they  are  also  caught  in  nets  set  along  shore  in  Elson  Bay. 

There  is  still  one  more  method  of  taking  seals  seldom  practiced 
near  the  villages,  and  only  in  the  summer.  This  is  with  the  light 
darts,  kukigu,  from  the  kaiak.  These  darts  are  so  arranged  that  the 
little  barbed  head  is  detachable  and  attached  to  the  shaft  by  a line 
forming  a bridle,  which  always  pulls  the  shaft  transversely  through 
the  water.  Three  of  these  darts  are  carried  in  the  kaiak  and  darted 
into  the  seal  with  a hand  board.  The  resistance  of  all  three  shafts 
wearies  the  seal  out  until  he  can  be  approached  and  despatched. 


106 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


DISCUSSION. 

Mr.  Dall  gave  a description  of  Norton  Sound,  which  is  a shallow 
estuary  subject  to  sudden  changes  in  depth  due  to  direction  of  wind. 
Seal  fishing  in  winter  is  practiced  on  the  edge  of  the  ice  about  ten 
to  twenty  miles  from  shore,  but  is  attended  with  much  danger  owing 
to  the  liability  of  the  floe  to  break  up  and  go  to  sea  with  a strong 
eastwardly  wind.  The  best  seasons  are  early  autumn  and  spring.' 
In  summer  short  nets  supported  by  three  stakes  driven  in  the  mud 
in  about  one  to  two  fathoms  water  where  thereis  current  are  used 
and  take  many  seal.  The  upper  edge  of  the  net  is  taut,  the  lower 
part  hangs  nearly  free,  and  about  five  feet  in  height.  The  seal  are 
usually  drowned  in  the  net,  but  if  living  are  killed  with  a club.  If 
a seal  is  shot  and  then  secured,  a pin  like  a large  nail  with  a broad 
head  is  fastened  in  the  wound  to  prevent  loss  of  blood  which  is 
much  esteemed  in  the  Innuit  cuisine. 

A peculiar  spear  or  lance  is  used  by  the  Nunivak  people,  being  a 
three-sided  ivory  point  as  large  as  the  biggest  walrus  tusk  will  make, 
straight,  mounted  on  a heavy  wooden  shaft.  The  head  may  be 
eighteen  inches  long,  is  drilled  in  the  median  line  of  each  face  to  the 
center  of  the  blade,  and  a slit  is  then  sawed  nearly  the  whole  length, 
the  three  slits  meet  in  the  center  which  is  entirely  excavated,  but 
without  enlarging  the  slits  which  remain  only  as  wide  as  the  thick- 
ness of  the  saw.  Pressure  from  behind  springs  out  the  thin  walls 
of  the  lance  head  which  has  a sharp  apex — on  the  removal  of  pressure 
the  walls  resume  their  position  gripping  firmly  the  tissues  which 
have  protruded  into  the  slips.  Pulling  only  tightens  the  grip. 
This  style  of  lance  has  not  as  far  as  the  speaker  was  aware  been 
any  where  described,  though  the  specimens  which  he  saw  in  1868 
were  afterwards  sent  to  one  of  the  museums  in  Germany. 

Responding  to  a question,  Mr.  Dall  said  that  he  thought  we 
were  not  at  present  in  a position  to  adjudge  whether  the  Eskimo  were 
related  to  the  cave  dwellers  as  advocated  by  Dawkins,  though  their 
mode  of  life  presents  many  similarities. 

Prof.  Mason  spoke  of  the  richness  of  information  now  at  our 
command  in  Washington,  Greenland  being  represented  by  Dr.  Bes- 
sels; Cumberband  Gulf  by  Dr.-  Boas;  Ungava  Bay  by  Lucien  M. 
Turner ; Point  Barrow  by  Mr.  Murdock;  and  the  Western  Eskimos 
by  Mr.  Dall.  He  also  called  the  attention  of  the  Society  to  the 
great  amount  of  invention  wrapped  up  in  an  Eskimo  harpoon. 
Hitherto  students  had  been  satisfied  with  speaking  of  harpoons  with- 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


107 


out  specifying  the  variety;  but  Mr.  Murdoch’s  own  collection  con- 
tained three  types:  lances,  darts,  and  harpoons.  Of  lances  there 
were  three  kinds,  the  whale,  the  walrus,  and  the  deer  lance.  Of 
darts  there  were  several  varieties,  all  carried  by  the  throwing  stick, 
among  them  the  bird  or  pronged  dart  (with  or  without  side  prongs), 
the  feather  dart,  the  float  dart,  the  bridle  or  martingale  dart,  and 
the  harpoon  dart.  Of  harpoons  Mr.  Murdoch  could  exhibit  several 
varieties.  The  most  interesting  was  the  retriever.  The  Eskimo 
standing  on  the  edge  near  thin  ice  shoots  the  seal  in  the  water,  and 
after  breaking  a channel  with  the  ice-pick  on  one  end,  launches 
the  whole  implement  at  the  animal,  holding  on  to  a line  attached  to 
the  harpoon.  By  this  means  he  could  draw  the  dead  body  to  the 
thick  ice. 

Mr.  Murdoch,  in  answer  to  a question  of  Dr.  Bessels,  said  the 
seal-nets  appear  to  have  never  been  made  from  whalebone.  Nets 
of  this  material  with  small  mesh  are  used  for  taking  whitefish,  &c. 
The  seal-net  is  a comparatively  modern  invention.  NIkawaalu,  an 
intelligent  middle-aged  native,  full  of  tradition,  says  “Adrani  (be- 
yond the  memory  of  man  now  living)  there  were  no  nets  and  they 
killed  seals  with  the  spear  (una)  only.”  No  work  that  requires 
hammering  or  pounding  on  wood  must  be  done  during  the  whaling 
season,  and  even  rapping  with  the  knuckles  on  wood  is  bad.  They 
asked  us  to  leave  off  work  on  our  block-house  in  the  spring  of  1882, 
saying  it  would  drive  off  the  whales.  The  whaling  was  a failure 
that  season. 

Mr.  Murdoch  also  stated  the  following  myths  * 

A'selu,  the  mythical  dog,  was  tied  to  a stake.  He  gnawed  him- 
self loose,  and  went  into  the  house  where  he  found  an  Eskimo 
women,  with  whom  he  had  sexual  intercourse.  From  this  woman 
sprang  the  human  race. 

A “doctor”  starting  on  a fishing  trip  in  the  fall  gave  tobacco  to 
the  dead  man  at  the  cemetery,  breaking  off  tiny  bits  and  throwing 
them  into  the  air.  When  he  arrived  at  the  river  he  also  gave  to- 
bacco in  the  same  way  to  the  demon  Tuun-a , saying  “Tuuna,  Tu- 
una,  I give  you  tobacco  ! Give  me  plenty  of  fish.” 

They  said  the  aurora  (kiolya)  was  bad , that  there  was  danger  of 
its  striking  a man  in  the  back  of  the  neck  and  killing  him.  Con- 
sequently, in  coming  to  and  fro  from  the  village  after  dark  in  twos 
or  threes  (they  never  dare  go  alone),  one  carries  a drawn  knife  or 
dagger  to  thrust  at  the  Aurora  and  drive  it  away.  Frozen  dogs’ 
excrement  thrown  at  the  aurora  will  also  drive  it  off. 


108 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


During  a bright  aurora  the  children  especially  sing  to  it,  some- 
times nearly  all  night,  performing  a stamping  dance,  with  the  fists 
clenched.  The  song  has  many  verses,  with  the  same  refrain.  The 
first  verse,  as  follows : 

“ Ki6lya  ke ! Kiolya  ke ! 

A yana,  yana,  ya ! 

Hwi,  hwi,  hwi,  hwi!” 


Eighty-Seventh  Regular  Meeting,  Dec.  16,  1884. 

Major  J.  W.  Powell,  President,  in  the  Chair. 

The  Secretary  of  the  Council  announced  the  election  of  Admiral 
Thornton  A.  Jenkins,  U.  S.  N. , Mr.  John  Murdock,  and  Mr.  Lucien 
M.  Turner  as  active  members  of  the  Society. 

The  Curator  presented  a report  showing  the  receipt  of  seventy- 
three  gifts,  comprising  books,  papers,  and  pamphlets,  as  follows : 

GIFTS. 

From  the  Director. — Second  Annual  Report  of  the  Bureau  of  Eth- 
nology. 1880-81.  Major  J.  W.  Powell.  Washington. 
1883.  Pp.  487.  8°.  Illustrations  and  plates. 

From  Mr.  Geo.  F.  Black. — British  Antiquities ; their  present 
treatment  and  their  real  claim.  By  A.  Henry  Rhind. 
Edinburgh.  1885.  Pp.  47.  8°. 

Notice  of  a collection  of  flint  implements  found  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  Fordoun,  Cincardineshire.  Rev.  James  Brodie. 
Pp.  5- 

On  certain  beliefs  and  phrases  of  Shetland  Fishermen.  Arthur 

Laurenson.  Pp.  6. 

Did  the  Northmen  extirpate  the  Celtic  inhabitants  of  the 

Hebrides  in  the  9th  century  ? Capt.  F.  W.  L.  Thomas,  R. 
N.  Pp.  35. 

Notice  of  a collection  of  flint  arrow-heads  and  bronze  and 

iron  relics  from  the  site  of  an  ancient  settlement,  recently 
discovered  in  the  Culbin  Islands,  near  Findhorn,  Morayshire. 
Hercules  Linton.  Pp.  4. 

Notes  respecting  two  bronze  shields  recently  purchased  for  the 

museum  of  the  Society,  and  other  bronze  shields.  Wm.  T. 
McCulloch.  Pp.  4. 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


109 


From  the  Director. — Notes  on  Mediaeval  “Kitchen  Middens” 
recently  discovered  in  the  monastery  and  nunnery  on  the 
Island  of  Iona.  John  Alexander  Smith.  Pp.  14. 

Note  of  a fragment  of  a Rune-inscribed  stone  from  Aith’s  Vol. 

Cummingsburgh,  Shetland.  George  Stephens.  Pp.  6. 

Letter  to  the  Schoolmasters  of  Scotland,  from  the  Society  of 

Antiquaries.  Edinburgh,  i860.  Pp.  13. 

Note  on  a cist,  with  an  urn,  discovered  at  Parkhill,  near 

Aberdeen,  in  Oct.,  1881.  Wm.  Ferguson.  Pp.  4. 

Notes  on  some  stone  implements,  &c.,  from  Shetland.  John 

Alexander  Smith.  Pp.  9. 

Notice  of  the  discovery  of  a massive  silver  chain  of  plain 

double  rings  or  links  at  Hardwell,  Berwickshire.  By  the 
Hon.  Lord  Douglas.  With  notes  of  similar  silver  chains 
found  in  Scotland.  By  John  Alex.  Smith.  Pp.  7. 

Notes  on  the  Antiquities  of  the  Island  of  Tiree.  J.  Sand. 

pp-  5 • 

Notice  of  a sculptured  stone,  bearing  on  one  side  an  inscrip- 
tion in  runes,  from  Kilbar,  Island  of  Barra.  Dr.  Geo.  Ste- 
phens. Pp.  4. 

Notice  of  a Cranium  found  in  a short  cist  near  Silvermoor, 

Carstairs  Lanarkshire.  D.  R.  Rankine.  Pp.  3. 

Notice  of  an  underground  structure  recently  discovered  on 

the  farm  of  Mickle  Kinord,  Aberdeenshire.  Rev.  J.  G. 
Michie.  Pp.  3. 

Notice  of  shell-mounds  at  Lossiemouth.  E.  G.  Duff.  Pp.  2. 

Notice  of  urns  in  the  museum  that  have  been  found  with 

articles  of  use  or  ornament.  Joseph  Anderson.  Pp.  16. 

Notice  of  a hoard  of  bronze  weapons  and  other  articles  found 

at  Monadh-Mor,  Killin.  Charles  Stewart.  Pp.  5. 

Notice  of  a flint  arrow-head  in  the  shaft,  found  in  a moss  at 

Fyvie,  Aberdeenshire,  with  notes  in  illustration  of  the  manu- 
facture of  arrow  shafts  with  flint  tools.  Joseph  Anderson. 
Pp.  6. 

Notes  on  the  character  and  contents  of  a large  sepulchral 

cairn  of  the  bronze  age  at  Collessie,  Fife,  &c.  Joseph 
Anderson.  Pp.  23. 

Notes  on  the  contents  of  shell-heaps  recently  exposed  in  the 

Island  of  Coll.  Donald  Ross.  Pp.  2. 

Notice  of  ancient  graves  at  Doudan,  near  Ballantrae,  Ayrshire. 

John  Carrick  Moore.  Pp.  3. 

Donations  to  the  museum.  Francis  Abbott.  Pp.  3. 

On  the  presentation  of  national  antiquities  and  monuments 

in  Denmark.  J.  J.  A.  Worsaae.  Pp.  15. 


110  TRANSACTIONS  OF -THE 

From  the  Director. — Notes  of  some  recent  excavations  in  the 
Island  of  Unst,  Shetland,  and  of  the  collections  of  stone 
vessels,  implements,  etc.  Thomas  Edmonston.  Pp.  5. 

Note  of  a donation  of  four  sculptured  stones  from  Monifieth, 

Forfarshire.  James  Neish.  Pp.  8. 

Notes  of  the  sculptured  caves  near  Dysart,  in  Fife,  & c.  Miss 

C.  Maclagan.  Pp.  14. 

Notice  of  the  discovery  of  two  sculptured  stones,  with  symbols, 

at  Rhynie,  Aberdeenshire.  Miss  C.  Maclagan.  Pp.  3. 

Notice  of  excavations  in  Cannis,  in  Strathnaver,  Sutherland- 

shire,  &c.  John  Stewart.  Pp.  5. 

From  Prof.  L.  Stieda. — Anthropologische  Untersudiungen  am 
Becken  lebender  Menschen.  Paul  Schroter.  Dorpat.  1884. 
pp.  83. 

From  the  Author. — H.  Fischer.  On  stone  implements  in  Asia. 

Worcester,  Mass.  1884. 

From  the  Author. — Dr.  H.  F.  C.  Ten  Kate.  Quelques  obser- 
vations sur  les  Indiens  Iroquois.  Pp.  5.  From  Revue 
(V  Ant  hr  op. , de  Paris. 

Sur  la  synonymie  ethnique  et  la  Toponymie  chez  les  Indiens 

de  l’Amerique  du  Nord.  Amsterdam.  1884.  Pp.  11. 

[Reprinted  from  Trans.  Roy.  Acad.  Sci.  Amsterdam.] 

Varietes.  Notes  sur  l’ethnographie  des  Zuni.  Pp.  3. 

Quelques  observations  ethnographiques  recueillies  dans  la 

presqu’ile  Californienne  et  en  Sonora.  Pp.  6. 

Sur  Quelques  Cranes  de  l’Arizona  et  du  Nouveau  Mexique. 

pp.  7. 

(Extrait  de  la  Revue  d' Anthropologies 

Materiaux  pour  servir  a l’Anthropologie  de  la  presqu’ile  Cali- 
fornienne. Paris.  1884.  Pp.  19. 

[From  Bull.  Soc.  d’Anthrop.] 

From  the  Author. — Alph.  de  Candolle.  Heredite  de  la  couleur 
des  yeux  dans  l’espece  humaine.  Geneva.  1884.  Pp.  23. 

[Ext.  Arch,  des  Sciences  Physiques  et  Naturelles.] 

From  the  Author. — Baron  Joseph  De  Baye.  Sujets  decoratifs  au 
Regne  Animal  dans  l’industrie  Gauloise.  Paris.  1884.  Pp.  8. 

[Ext.  Mem.  Nat.  Soc.  of  Antiquaries  of  France.] 

From  the  Author. — Adrian  de  Mortillet.  Premier  decade  pale- 
oethnologique.  Paris.  1881.  Pp.  11. 

Deuxieme  decade  paleoethnologique.  Paris.  1882.  Pp.  15. 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY.  Ill 

From  the  Author. — Heinrich  Fisher.  Le  Precurseur  de  l’ Homme. 
1884.  (L’Homme,  No.  13.) 

Evolution des  especes,  evolution  des  mots.  (L’Homme,  No. 20.) 

Further  remarks  on  Nephrite.  Verhandl.  Berliner  Anthrop. 
Gesellschaft.  1884.  Pp.  2.  Correspondenz-Blatt.  June, 
1884.  Containing  note  on  a Nephrite  Axe,  from  Brazil.  ' 
From  the  Author. — Elmer  R.  Reynolds.  Memoir  on  the  Pre- 
Columbian  shell-mounds  at  Newburg,  Md.,  and  the  aborigi- 
nal shell-fields  of  the  Potomac  and  the  Wicomico  rivers. 
Copenhagen.  1884.  Pp.  22.  From  Proc.  Cong.  Amer. 
Copenhagen.  1883.] 

From  the  Author. — Juan  Ignacio  de  Armas.  La  Tabula  de  los 
Caribs.  Estudios  Americanistas,  I.  Habana.  1884.  Pp.  31. 
[Read  to  the  Soc.  Anthrop.  Havana.] 

From  the  Author. — Protass  Chandra  Roy.  The  Mahabharata. 
Calcutta.  Parts  9-1 1,  inclusive. 

From  the  Author. — A.  B.  Meyer.  Ein  Zweiter  Rohnephritfund 
in  Steiermark.  Vienna.  Pp.  12. 

Uber  Nephrite  und  ahnliches  Material  aus  Alaska.  Dresden. 

1884.  Pp.  21. 

Ein  neuer  Fundort  von  Nephrit  in  Asien.  Dresden.  1883. 

Pp.  10. 

Ueber  die  namen  Papua,  Dajak  und  Alfuren.  Wien.  1882. 

Pp.  18. 

Bemerkungen  fiber  Nephrit.  Breslau.  Dr.  H.  Traule. 

1884.  Pp.  1. 

From  the  Author. — Henry  Phillips.  On  a supposed  Runic  inscrip- 
tion at  Farmouth,  Nova  Scotia.  Philada.  1884.  [From 
Proc.  Am.  Phil.  Soc’y.] 

From  the  Author. — Heinrich  Fischer.  Nephritfrage  und  sub- 
marginale  (sub  cutane)  Durchbohrung  von  Steingerathen. 
Berlin.  1884.  Pp.  4.  [Verhandl.  Berliner  Anthrop.  Ges- 
ellschaft.] 

From  the  Author. — C.  C.  Jones.  The  Life  and  Services  of  ex- 
Governor  Charles  Jones  Jenkins.  Memorial  Address.  At- 
lanta. 1884.  Pp.  56. 

From  the  Author. — G.  A.  Colini.  Osservazioni  etnografiche  sui 
Givari.  Rome.  1883.  Pp.  47.  [From  Royal  Lincean 
Acad.] 

From  the  Institute. — Transactions  of  Vassar  Brothers’  Institute 
and  its  Scientific  Section.  Poughkeepsie,  N.  Y.  1883-84. 
Vol.  2.  Pp.  166. 

From  the  Commission. — Bulletino  della  Commissione  Archaeologica 
Comunale  di  Roma.  Rome.  1884.  Pp.  138. 


112  TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 

From  the  Society. — Boletino  da  Sociedade  de  Geographia  de  Lis- 
boa. 1883.  4 ser.  Nos.  8,  9. 

From  the  Committee. — Mittheilungen  des  Komite  der  Geographi- 
schen  Gesellschaft  von  Bern.  Oct.,  1883.  Pp.  8. 

From  the  Society. — VI.  Jahresbericht  der  Geographischen  Gesell- 
schaft von  Bern.  1883-84. 

From  the  Institute. — Rep.  of  the  Am.  Archaeol.  Institute  for  1884, 
at  Boston.  Cambridge.  1884. 

From  the  Company. — Bulletin  of  the  Library  Company  of  Phila- 
delphia, for  July,  1884. 

From  the  Society. — Bulletins  de  la  Societe  d’Anthropologie  de 
Paris.  Jan. -Mar.,  1884. 

Proc.  and  Coll.  Wyoming  Hist,  and  Geol.  Soc’y,  Wilkes- 

Barre,  Pa.  1858-S4. 

The  Manuscripts  of  the  Earl  of  Ashburnham.  (Remarks  of 

American  Newspapers.)  1884.  Pp*  23. 

From  the  Institute. — Bulletin  of  the  Essex  Institute.  Vol.  15. 
Nos.  1-9,  and  Vol.  16,  Nos.  1-6. 

From  the  Society. — Bull.  Societe  de  Geographic  de  Paris.  1,  2,  3 
Trimestre.  1884. 

Compte  rendu  of  the  Society.  Nos.  10-13,  I5-I7  of  1884. 

Archivio  per  l’Anthropologia  e la  Etnologia.  Firenze.  1884. 

* XIV.  Pt.  2. 

Publications  of  the  Imper.  Russian  Geograph.  Soc.  St.  Peters- 
burg. 1884.  XX.  Pts.  2,  4. 

Report  Imper.  Russ.  Geograph.  Soc.  for  1883.  St.  Peters- 
burg, 1884. 

Bollettino  della  Societa  Geografica  Italiana.  Roma.  1884. 

Pts.  1-7,  9-10,  inclusive. 

From  the  Museum. — Sixteenth  and  Seventeenth  Annual  Report  of 
the  Peabody  Museum.  1884.  Vol.  III.  Nos.  3,  4. 

On  motion  of  Prof.  Ward,  the  thanks  of  the  Society  was  voted 
for  these  valuable  documents. 

Mr.  W.  H.  Holmes  read  a paper  entitled  “ Origin  and  Devel- 
opment of  Form  and  Ornament  in  Ceramic  Art.  * ’ 

ABSTRACT. 

The  material  for  this  paper  was  derived  chiefly  from  the  native 
ceramic  art  of  the  United  States.  The  advantages  of  this  field,  as 
compared  with  that  of  the  classic  Orient,  is  apparent  when  it  is 
remembered  that  the  dawn  of  that  art  lies  hidden  in  impenetrable 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


113 


shadow,  while  ours  is  in  the  light  of  the  very  present.  The  princi- 
ples involved  in  this  native  art  are  applicable  to  all  times  and  to  all 
kinds  of  art,  as  they  are  based  upon  the  laws  of  nature. 

Ceramic  art  presents  two  classes  of  phenomena  of  importance  in 
the  study  of  the  evolution  of  aesthetic  culture.  These  relate,  first, 
to  form,  and,  second,  to  ornamentation. 

Form  in  clay  vessels  embraces  useful  shapes,  which  may  or  may 
not  be  ornamental,  and  aesthetic  shapes,  which  are  ornamental  and 
may  be  useful ; also  grotesque  and  fanciful  shapes,  that  may  or  may 
not  be  either  useful  or  ornamental.  The  shapes  first  assumed  by 
vessels  in  clay  depend  upon  the  shape  of  the  vessels  employed  at  the 
time  of  the  introduction  of  the  art,  and  ornament  is  subject  to  similar 
laws. 

Form  may  have  three  origins:  First,  adventition  or  accident; 
second,  imitation  of  natural  and  artificial  models ; third,  invention. 
In  the  early  stages  of  art  the  suggestions  of  accident  are  often 
adopted  by  men,  and  are  thus  fruitful  sources  of  improvements  and 
progress.  By  such  means  the  use  of  clay  was  discovered  and  the 
ceramic  art  came  into  existence.  The  accidental  indentation  of  a 
mass  of  clay  by  the  foot  or  hand,  or  by  a fruit  or  stone,  while  serv- 
ing as  an  auxiliary  in  some  simple  art,  may  have  suggested  the 
means  of  making  a cup,  the  simplest  form  of  a vessel. 

In  time  the  potter  learned  to  copy  both  natural  and  artificial 
models  with  facility.  The  range  of  models  is  at  first,  however,  very 
limited.  The  primitive  artist  does  not  proceed  by  methods  identi- 
cal with  our  own.  He  does  not  deliberately  and  freely  examine 
all  departments  of  nature  or  art  and  select  for  models  those  things 
most  suitable  to  convenience  or  agreeable  to  fancy ; neither  does 
he  experiment  with  the  view  of  inventing  new  forms.  What  he  at- 
tempts depends  almost  absolutely  upon  what  happens  to  be  sug- 
gested by  preceding  forms,  and  so  narrow  and  so  natural  are  the 
processes  of  his  mind  that,  knowing  his  resources,  it  would  be  easy 
to  closely  predict  his  results. 

The  elements  of  ornamentation  are  derived  chiefly  from  two 
sources — from  the  suggestions  of  incidents  attending  manufacture, 
and  from  objects,  natural  and  artificial,  associated  with  the  arts. 
The  first  articles  used  by  men  in  their  simple  arts  have  had  in 
many  cases  decorative  suggestions.  Shells  are  exquisitely  embel- 
lished with  ribs,  spines,  nodes,  and  colors.  The  same  is  true  to  a 
somewhat  limited  extent  of  the  hard  cases  of  fruit,  seeds,  &c.  These 
8 


114 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


decorative  features,  though  not  essential  to  the  vessel,  are  never- 
theless an  inseparable  part  of  it,  and  are  cast  or  automatically  copied 
by  a very  primitive  people  when  similar  articles  are  artificially  pro- 
duced. In  this  way  a vessel  acquires  ornamental  characters  long 
before  the  workman  learns  to  take  pleasure  in  such  details  or  con- 
ceives a desire  beyond  that  of  simple  utility. 

Artificial  utensils  have  a still  more  decided  influence  upon  ceramic 
decoration.  The  constructional  features  of  textile  vessels  impress 
themselves  upon  the  plastic  clay  in  manufacture,  and  in  time  are 
repeated  and  copied  for  the  pleasure  they  give.  The  simple  ideas 
of  embellishment  thus  acquired  are  constantly  subject  to  modifica- 
tion. A single  radical  gives  rise  to  a multitude  of  forms.  The 
causes  that  tend  to  bring  about  these  results  are  worthy  of  the  closest 
study.  They  may  be  sought  in  the  material,  the  form,  and  above 
all  the  constructional  characters  of  the  object  decorated. 

Prof.  Mason  followed  Mr.  Holmes  with  a short  resume  of 
Prof.  Hartt’s  theory  o'f  the  rationale  of  ornament,  published  in 
the  Popular  Science  Monthly,  for  January,  1884.  Prof.  Hartt 
maintains  that  the  explanation  of  the  shape  and  color  of  beautiful 
objects  is  to  be  found  m the  eye  itself.  We  are  pleased  with  certain 
lines  because  they  bring  the  muscles  of  the  eye  into  easy  and  health- 
ful play. 

Prof.  Mason  said  that  there  was  in  his  mind  no  conflict  between 
the  methods  pursued  in  Mr.  Holmes’  paper  and  Hartt’s  theory — 
a little  differently  stated  and  expanded.  Mr.  Holmes  traces  the 
outline  of  that  natural  movement  which  aboriginal  potters  had 
followed.  Hartt  sought  to  show  the  subjective  side  and  how  it  was 
that  the  primitive  artist  had  chosen  some  forms  and  rejected  others. 
If  we  will  examine  our  own  handwriting  we  shall  find  that  the  same 
two  sets  of  facts  present  themselves.  On  the  one  hand  we  have 
books,  papers,  correspondence,  copy-books,  and  many  other  printed 
and  written  things  ever  before  our  eyes.  On  the  other  hand  there  is 
the  set  of  bones,  muscles,  and  sinews,  called  the  hand,  with  its  great 
variety  of  lengths,  thicknesses,  flexibilities,  so  compounded  in  each 
as  to  give  rise  to.  a really  individual  hand.  A man’s  handwriting  is 
the  movement  of  all  these  mobile  parts  in  the  lines  of  least  resist- 
ance for  each  part,  but  always  in  the  effort  to  conform  to  the 
pattern. 

Now  the  natural  world,  with  its  shells,  horns,  gourds,  carapaces, 
reeds ; the  mechanical  world,  with  its  shapes  in  hard  material;  the 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


115 


curves  and  twists  of  spirals,  cycloids,  and  circles  innumerable,  are 
all  the  patterns  of  things,  the  letters,  the  copy-book.  The  clay 
and  the  potters’  tools  are  pen,  ink,  and  paper.  The  lines  of  least 
resistance  are  partly  in  the  hand  of  the  potter,  indeed,  as  Mr. 
Holmes  has  shown ; they  are  partly  in  the  muscles  of  the  eye,  as  Mr. 
Hartt  has  said ; but  further  back  than  all  this  is  the  force  of  usage 
and  inheritance. 

If  we  hang  a hat  intentionally  on  a peg  eleven  times,  the  twelfth 
time  it  will  hang  itself  up.  This  is  the  universal  and  beneficent 
law  of  the  passage  of  painful  voluntariness  into  semi-automa- 
tism which  follows  the  frequent  repetition  of  any  act  whatsoever. 
We  are  pleased  with  certain  muscular  movements  which  have  been 
oft  repeated.  There  is  no  doubt,  therefore,  that  the  eye  accustomed 
to  certain  outlines,  the  brain  accustomed  to  certain  consecutive 
impressions,  are  pleased  with  that  which  has  become  semi-automatic 
and  habitual.  We  know  that  such  tendencies  are  strengthened  by 
inheritance,  for  we  have  here'  the  application  of  a universal  law 
of  heredity. 

Dr.  Frank  Baker  said  that  Hartt  seemed  in  some  respects  to  ig- 
nore certain  physiological  laws  in  discussing  the  movements  of  the 
eye,  and  to  have  too  little  considered  inventive  geniuses.  The 
source  of  art  must  be  sought  for  in  the  brain  that  controls  the  eye ; 
in  the  association  of  nerve  cells  that  prompt  the  movement  of  mus- 
cles. Taste  may  follow  and  accept  suggestions  from  natural  forms, 
but  art  is  not  imitative,  for,  having  its  source  in  invention,  it  gives 
something  nature  does  not. 

Mr.  Frank  H.  Cushing  said  that  Hartt  apparently  did  not  try 
to  ascertain  what  the  eye  might  develop,  but  having  certain  forms 
at  hand  reasoned  therefrom.  The  speaker  had  found  in  his  studies 
of  ceramic  art  in  the  southwest  that  decoration  in  basketry  had 
long  preceded  that  of  pottery,  and  that  the  resulting  forms  might 
be  generally  attributed  to  adventition,  and  taste  might  have  its 
principal  source  in  the  environment. 


Eighty-Eighth  Regular  Meeting,  January  6,  1884. 

Major  J.  W.  Powell,  President,  in  the  Chair. 

The  Secretary  of  the  Council  made  the  following  announcements  : 
The  election  of  Dr.  J.  H.  Yarnall,  as  an  active  member  of 


116 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


the  Society  ; and  George  H.  Black,  Edinboro’,  Scotland,  and 
Hermann  Ten  Kate,  The  Hague,  Holland,  as  corresponding 
members. 

Mr.  H.  N.  Bates  read  a “Memorandum  concerning  certain 
Mounds  in  Pontotoc  county,  Mississippi,”  visited  by  J.  M.  Pollard, 
Esq.,  of  Louisiana.  No  abstract. 

Mr.  O.  T.  Mason  read  a paper  prepared  by  Daniel  G.  Brinton, 

“ On  the  Probable  Nationality  of  the  Mound-Builders.” 

Dr.  Brinton  said  : Further  reading  on  the  subject,  and  also  the 
observations  during  a trip  made  to  the  principal  monuments  in 
Ohio,  have  confirmed  me  in  the  opinion  that  we  need  not  go  any 
farther  than  the  Southern  tribes  to  find  the  modern  representatives 
of  the  mound-builders.  Since  I wrote  the  article  on  the  mound- 
builders,  Mr.  Horatio  Hale  has  published  his  suggestive  paper,  in 
which  he  adds  strength  to  this  position  by  linguistic  evidence. 

It  would  probably  be  hasty  to  point  to  any  one  of  the  Southern 
tribes  as  being  specifically  the  descendants  of  the  nation  who  con- 
structed the  great  works  in  the  Scioto  and  Miami  Valleys.  The 
evidence  is  ample  that  nearly  all  the  tribes  of  the  Gulf  States  and 
Lower  Mississippi  were  accustomed  to  throw  up  works  of  similar 
character  and  often  greater  magnitude.  They  were  of  radically 
diverse  languages,  but  nearly  in  the  same  plane  of  culture.  The 
Natchez,  the  Taensas,  the  Choctaws,  the  Creeks,  the  Cherokees, 
and  others  might  put  in  equal  claims.  The  last  mentioned  asserted 
that  they  once  lived  in  the  Upper  Ohio  Valley,  and  that  they  built 
the  Grave  Creek  and  other  mounds,  and  they  are  borne  out  in  such 
claims  by  various  historic  data. 

With  regard  to  the  Shawnees,  it  has  not  been  sufficiently  recog- 
nized by  writers  that  their  name  in  the  Algonkin  dialects  is  not  a 
national  appellation,  but  a geographical  term.  It  means  simply 
“ Southerners,”  and  in  its  earliest  employment  bore  no  special  ref- 
erence to  the  tribe  whom  we  call  Shawnees.  It  first  appears  in  a 
map  drawn  in  1614,  intended  to  show  the  Dutch  colony  around 
New  Amsterdam.  In  this  the  “Sawannew”  are  located  as  inhabit- 
ing the  whole  of  Southern  New  Jersey ; whereas  the  Shawnees,  as 
we  understand  the  term  first  came  to  the  notice  of  the  New  York 
colony  in  1692.  On  this  map  it  simply  means  “ Southern  rivers” 
with  reference  to  the  position  of  New  York  harbor. 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


117 


By  dialect,  tradition,  and  political  affiliation  the  Shawnees  were 
a northern  tribe  who  moved  south  at  no  very  remote  period.  Their 
language,  according  to  the  Moravian  missionaries,  was  closer  to  the 
Mohegan  than  to  the  Delaware,  Nanticoke,  or  other  Southern  Algon- 
kin  dialects.  By  tradition  they  at  one  time  were  a branch  of  the 
Mohegans  on  the  Hudson,  and  it  was  to  them  that  they  returned  when 
driven  from  their  towns  in  Carolina  and  on  the  Tennessee  river.  The 
name  of  their  principal  clan,  the  Pequa,  or  Pick-e-weu,  is  said  by 
Heckewelder  to  be  the  same  as  that  of  the  Pequods,  of  Connecticut, 
and  he  relates  that  the  Mohegans  told  him  that  the  two  were  of  the 
same  family. 

If  we  can  depend  upon  this  evidence,  and  there  is  no  reason  why 
it  should  be  rejected,  the  “ Pre-historic  Shawnees”  are  to  be  looked 
for  in  New  York  and  New  England.  I have  no  idea  whether  this 
will  correspond  with  Professor  Thomas’  views,  but  I should  be 
gratified  to  hear  that  we  had  reached  identical  conclusions  from  in- 
dependent study  of  the  subject. 

The  four  clans  of  the  Shawnees  were  assembled  in  Ohio,  but  in 
Pennsylvania  I have  not  found  evidence  of  any  but  the  Pequas,  who 
lived  in  the  valley  that  still  bears  their  name  in  Lancaster  county. 
Their  state  of  culture  was  nowise  ahead  of  that  of  the  Delawares. 
They  had  one  clan  named  Chilicothe,  and  three  of  their  settlements 
in  Ohio  bore  this  name,  but  while  there  they  had  not  the  slightest 
knowledge  or  tradition  about  the  ancient  earthworks,  as  we  are  as- 
sured by  the  Rev.  David  Jones,  who  went  out  to  teach  them  Christian- 
ity in  1772,  and  who,  I think,  is  the  earliest  writer  who  calls 
attention  to  the  remarkable  remains  in  Southern  Ohio. 

Prof.  Cyrus  Thomas  read  a paper  entitled  “ Prehistoric  Shawnes, 
from  Mound  Testimony.” 

Before  reading  his  paper,  Prof.  Thomas  said,  referring  to  the  pre- 
ceding paper,  that  he  had  recently  written  a l-etter  with  a view  to 
procuring  an  exploration  of  Pontotoc  county,  Miss.,  without  any 
positive  knowledge  that  ancient  remains  existed  there,  and  that  the 
paper  of  Mr.  Pollard  was  in  verification  of  the  speaker’s  assumption 
that  such  remains  would  be  found  in  that  vicinity. 

Mr.  C.  C.  Royce,  at  the  request  of  the  Society,  read  an  extract 
from  a former  paper  of  his  on  the  origin  of  the  “ Shawnees.” 

President  Powell  said  that  the  papers  read  before  the  Society 
during  the  past  two  years  seemed  to  establish  the  fact  that  the 


118 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


mound-builders  were  Indians,  and  that  many  Indians  built  mounds. 
While  small  burial  mounds  were  frequent  and  widely  distributed, 
the  larger  mounds  and  earthworks  with  circumvallation — once 
probably  crowned  with  palisades — were  confined  to  narrower  limits. 
The  old  theory  that  attributed  these  remains  to  an  extinct  high 
grade  of  civilization  seemed  to  be  well  nigh  abandoned. 

Dr.  Gregory  said  that  he  had  held  to  the  old  theory  until  he  had 
become  convinced  of  its  error,  and  described  a large  mound,  some 
fifty  feet  high,  that  he  visited  in  Minnesota,  which  gave  conclusive 
evidence  of  its  comparatively  recent  structure.  Depressions  were 
still  to  be  seen  close  about  the  foot  of  the  mound,  from  whence 
material  had  apparently  been  taken  to  aid  in  forming  the  mound. 


Seventh  Annual  and  Eighty-Ninth  Regular  Meeting, 
January  20,  1885. 

Major  J.  W.  Powell,  President,  in  the  Chair. 

The  Secretary  of  the  Council  announced  the  election  of  John 
Addison  Porter  and  H.  L.  Reynolds  as  active  members  of  the 
Society,  and  advised  the  Society  of  the  death  of  Dr.  Henri  Martin, 
of  Paris,  France,  and  Dr.  R.  J.  Farquharson,  of  Des  Moines,  Iowa, 
corresponding  members  of  the  Society. 

The  Treasurer  then  submitted  his  annual  report. 

On  the  motion  of  Col.  Mallery,  the  President  appointed  Messrs. 
Bates,  Baker,  and  Holmes  a‘ committee  (composed  of  members  out- 
side the  Council)  to  audit  the  accounts  of  the  Treasurer. 

This  session  being  the  time  for  the  annual  election  of  officers,  the 
balloting  for  officers  resulted  as  follows  : 


President 

Vice-Presidents 

General  Secretary 
Secretary  to  the  Council 


J.  W.  POWELL, 
f ROBERT  FLETCHER. 
J LESTER  F.  WARD, 
j GARRICK  MALLERY. 
(OTIS  T.  MASON. 

S.  V.  PROUDFIT. 

F.  A.  SEELY. 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


119 


Treasurer J.  H.  GORE. 

Curator W.  J.  HOFFMAN. 

f CYRUS  THOMAS. 

| J.  O.  DORSEY. 

Additional  Members  of  the  Council 

[DAVID  HUTCHESON. 

The  President  announced  that  the  next  meeting  would  be  public, 
to  which  the  members  of  the  Biological  and  Philosophical  Societies 
were  specially  invited  for  the  purpose  of  listening  to  the  annual 
address  of  the  President. 


Ninetieth  Regular  Meeting,  February  3,  1885. 

In  accordance  with  previous  announcement  the  Society  assembled 
in  public  session  to  listen  to  the  annual  address  of  the  President, 
there  being  present  on  special  invitation  the  members  of  the  Bio- 
logical and  Philosophical  Societies  and  other  friends  of  the  Society. 

Dr.  J.  C.  Welling  introduced  to  the  audience  President  J.  W. 
Powell,  who  delivered  an  address  entitled  “From  Savagery  to 
Barbarism.  * ’ 

At  the  close  of  the  address,  on  motion  of  Mr.  Mason,  a vote  of 
thanks  to  the  speaker  was  unanimously  passed. 

The  Secretary  of  the  Council  announced  that  the  Saturday 
course  of  lectures  under  the  auspices  of  the  Anthropological  and 
Biological  Societies  had  been  arranged,  and  that  programmes  of  the 
first  part  of  the  course  were  ready  for  distribution. 


j W.  LI.  HOLMES, 
j H.  H.  BATES. 

I FRANK  BAKER. 


120 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


Ninety-First  Regular  Meeting,  February  17,  1885. 

Prof.  Otis  T.  Mason,  Vice  President,  in  the  Chair. 

A report  from  the  Curator  was  then  read,  including  a list  of 
publications  received  since  his  last  report : 

Bull.  Library  Co.  Philada.,  No.  14.  Jan.,  1885. 

Bol.  Soc.  Geog.  Ital.  Ser.  II,  Vol.  IX,  Fac.  12.  Dec.  ’84,  ’85. 
Mahabharata,  Calcutta.  Pt.  XII,  XIII. 

Bui.  Soc.  Geog.  de  Paris.  Vol.  X,  Tim.  4.  1884. 

Compte  Rendu,  de  la  Soc.  de  Geog.  de  Paris.  Nos.  18,  19. 
Elements  d’ An  thropologie.  Par.  Alphonse  Cels.  Bruxelles,  vol. 
I,  1884-  8vo.,  pp.  202. 

Les  Habitans  de  Suriname.  Prince  Roland  Bonaparte.  Paris. 
1884.  Royal  4to  , pp.  227,  pit.  60. 

Bull.  Essex  Institute.  July-Dee.,  1884. 

Bull.  Soc.  d’Anthrop.  Paris.  Fasc.  2,  3.  1884. 

Journal  of  Proc.  of  the  Victoria  Institute,  London.  XVIII,  No. 
70.  1884. 

Grammaire  Elementaire.  Quichee,  L.  Aleman.  Pamph. 
Quelques  observations  sur  les  ossements  de  notre  musee.  Mari- 
court  et  Vinet,  Senlis,  1884. 

Ymer.  Parts  5,  6.  1884. 

Bull.  Soc.  Geog.  de  Lyon.  Sept. -Dec.,  1884. 

On  the  Cuspidiform  Petroglyphs,  etc.  Dr.  D.  G.  Brinton.  Pamph. 
Xinca  Indians  of  Guatemala.  “ “ “ 

Impressions  of  figures  on  a “Meday”  stick.  Dr.  D.  G.  Brinton. 
Pamph. 

Memoirs  Soc.  Antiq.  de  la  Morinie,  St.  Omer.  1 Vol.  1883. 
Bui.  Russ.  Geog.  Soc.  Also  2 pamphlets. 

Mem.  Soc.  d’PIist.,  etc.  Beaune.  1883. 

Verein  fur  Erdkunde  zu  Halle  a.  S.  Mittheilungen.  1884. 

Imp.  Soc.  of  the  Friends  of  Nat.  Hist.  Anthrop.  and  Eth. 
Muscar.  3 vols.  1884. 

Bull.  Hungarian  Geog.  Soc.  Budapest.  Complete  for  1884. 

On  motion  of  Prof.  Thomas,  a vote  of  thanks  was  passed  to  the 
various  authors  and  societies  from  which  these  gifts  were  received. 

Mr  Bates,  from  Auditing  Committee,  reported  that  the  com- 
mittee had  duly  examined  the  accounts  of  the  Treasurer  for  the 
past  year  as  reported  at  the  annual  meeting  January  20,  and  had 
found  the  same  correct. 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


121 


Prof.  Ward  read  a paper  entitled  “ Moral  and  Material 
Progress  Contrasted  . ” 

One  of  the  most  obvious  and  frequently  observed  facts  that  lie 
upon  the  surface  of  modern  society  is  the  persistence  of  social  evils 
in  spite  of  the  progress  of  discovery  and  invention  brought  about 
for  the  purpose  of  relieving  them. 

The  actual  removal  of  social  evils  constitutes  moral  progress;  the 
discovery  of  principles  and  the  invention  of  appliances  calculated 
to  remove  them  constitute  material  progress.  It  is  these  two  forms 
of  social  progress  which  it  is  proposed  to  consider  in  this  paper. 

As  to  the  degree  to  which  moral  progress  has  taken  place  and  is 
taking  place  in  society,  there  are  wide  differences  of  opinion.  Some 
sanguine  minds  imagine  it  to  be  very  rapid,  but  this  is  generally 
due  to  a confusion  of  unrelated  phenomena.  They  either  confound 
material  with  moral  progress  directly,  or  they  confound  the  pre- 
dominance of  cherished  religious  beliefs  with  that  of  morality, 
or  the  establishment  of  favorite  forms  of  government  with  that  of 
justice  and  liberty.  Others,  and  this  is  much  the  larger  class,  deny 
that  any  moral  progress  has  ever  taken  place  or  is  now  taking  place, 
and  maintain,  on  the  contrary,  that  there  has  been  moral  degener- 
acy, and  that  the  world  is  growing  constantly  worse.  In  so  far  as 
these  are  merely  influenced  by  the  survival  of  a tradition  very  preva- 
lent among  early  races  they  may,  perhaps,  be  left  out  of  the  account. 
Many  of  them,  however,  disclaim  such  influence  and  base  their  con- 
victions on  the  facts  of  history  and  the  condition  of  society  as  it  is. 
But  such  also  must  be  set  down  as  extremists,  incapable  of  duly 
weighing  the  evidence  from  all  sides  of  the  question. 

A highly  respectable  class,  embracing  many  of  the  finest  minds 
of  the  present  period,  see  no  hope  except  in  the  gradual  change  of 
the  constitution  of  the  human  mind,  to  be  brought  about  through 
hereditary  influences  and  the  slow  developmental  laws  by  which 
man  has  been  at  length  raised  above  the  brute.  They  deny  the 
power  of  intelligence  to  improve  the  moral  condition  of  society, 
and  regard  the  ethical  faculty  as  entirely  distinct  from  the  intel- 
lectual. ‘‘It  is,”  said  Mr.  Herbert  Spencer  to  an  American 
reporter,  “ essentially  a question  of  character,  and  only  in  a sec- 
ondary degree . a question  of  knowledge.  But  for  the  universal 
delusion  about  education  as  a panacea  for  political  evils,  this  would 


122  TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 

have  been  made  sufficiently  clear  by  the  evidence  daily  disclosed  in 
your  papers.”  And  in  a private  letter  received  after  his  return  to 
England,  relative  to  views  which  I had  expressed,  he  re-asserts  this 
doctrine,  and  says:  “As  you  are  probably  aware,  and  as,  in  fact,  I 
said  very  emphatically  when  in  America,  I regard  sqcial  progress  as 
mainly  a question  of  character  and  not  of  knowledge  or  enlighten- 
ment. ” 

In  the  light  of  all  these  somewhat  conflicting  opinions,  if  we  were 
to  rest  the  case  altogether  upon  authority,  we  should  at  least  be 
compelled  to  admit  that  the  real  moral  progress  of  the  world  has 
been  extremely  slow,  and  that  it  is  imperceptible  even  in  the  high- 
est stages  of  enlightenment.  Such,  too,  seems  to  be  the  lesson  of 
history  and  of  observation.  It  is  only  when  we  contemplate  long 
periods  of  history  and  contrast  the  present  or  the  recent  past  with 
the  remote  past  that  an  advance  can  be  perceived  in  the  moral  con- 
dition of  mankind.  Yet,  when  such  an  historic  parallax  is  once 
secured,  the  fact  that  moral  progress  actually  has  taken  place  is  dis- 
tinctly seen.  To  read  the  history  of  England  and  compare  the  acts 
committed  a few  centuries  ago  by  men  of  our  own  race,  with  what 
any  one  can  see  would  be  done  now  under  like  circumstances,  is 
sufficient  to  demonstrate  that  improvement  has  been  going  on  in 
both  individual  and  public  morals.  Making  every  possible  allow- 
ance for  all  that  is  bad  in  the  present  social  system,  no  one  could 
probably  be  found  candidly  to  maintain  that  it  is  inferior,  from  the 
moral  point  of  view,  to  that  of  the  middle  ages  or  even  of  the  six- 
teenth century.  Modern  kings,  bad  as  they  are,  no  longer  put  their 
sons  to  death  to  prevent  them  from  usurping  their  thrones,  and  the 
sons  of  kings,  however  profligate  they  may  be,  do  not  seek  to 
dethrone  their  fathers.  When  Rome  was  at  its  zenith,  it  was  no 
more  than  every  one  expected  that  the  great  armies  of  Caesar  and 
Pompey,  on  their  triumphal  return  from  victorious  fields,  would 
turn  their  arms  upon  each  other  for  the  mastery  of  the  empire. 
And  I have  heard  those  familiar  with  Roman  history  predict,  at  the 
time  when  the  vast  armies  of  Grant  and  Sherman,  far  outnumbering 
the  Roman  legions,  were  marching  victoriously  through  different 
parts  of  the  South,  that  the  last  grand  struggle  of  the  war  would  be 
between  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland  and  that  of  the  Potomac — 
forgetting  that  since  the  age  of  the  Caesars  there  had  been  moral 
progress  sufficient  to  render  both  the  leaders  and  the*  soldiers  incap- 
able of  such  an  act. 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


123 


Political  opponents  are  no  longer  beheaded  on  the  accession  of 
a new  party  to  power ; neither  are  they  thrust  into  dungeons  nor 
exiled,  as  formerly.  Persecution  for  opinion’s  sake  has  practically 
ceased.  Scientific  men  are  no  longer  burned  at  the  stake,  like  Bruno 
and  Servetus,  nor  made  to  recant,  like  Galileo  and  Buffon.  Witch- 
craft has  dwindled  into  innocent  palmistry,  and  heresy  is  only  pun- 
ished in  a few  backward  communities  by  a mild  form  of  social 
ostracism.  Imprisonment  for  debt  has  been  abolished,  and  the 
Fleet  and  the  galleys  are  things  of  the  past.  Primogeniture  and 
entail  have  disappeared  from  most  codes  of  law,  and  trial  by  jury 
has  been  instituted  in  the  most  influential  states.  The  slave  trade 
has  been  suppressed  wherever  European  powers  have  acquired  su- 
premacy, and  slavery  has  been  abolished  in  all  the  most  enlight- 
ened countries.  Vast  public  and  private  charities  have  been  insti- 
tuted, and  societies  for  the  prevention  of  cruelty  to  children  and 
to  animals  receive  the  sanction  of  law.  And  finally  a great  moral 
crusade,  with  a display  of  far  more  zeal  than  knowledge,  is  being 
preached  against  the  admitted  evils  of  intemperance. 

There  has,  then,  been  some  moral  progress  within  the  historic 
period,  but,  considering  the  amount  of  moral  agitation,  it  has  been 
slight. 

It  is  the  characteristic  of  moral  progress  that  it  takes  place  rhyth- 
mically. In  the  achievement  of  moral  reforms  there  are  always 
experienced  partial  and  temporary  failures,  prolonged  interruptions, 
serious  reverses,  and  constantly  recurring  waves  of  reaction,  so 
that  at  no  time  has  it  been  possible  for  the  candid  observer  to 
perceive  that  any  certain  advance  was  being  made.  The  ground 
continually  being  lost  is  never  appreciably  less  then  the  ground 
gained,  and  none  but  the  ignorant,  the  blinded,  or  the  oversanguine 
see  much  cause  for  congratulation.  In  the  great  ocean  of  moral 
action  so  nearly  equal  are  the  tidal  ebbs  and  flows  that  only  the  stoi- 
cal philosopher  whose  vision  ranges  back  into  the  remotest  past  or 
forward  unto  the  remotest  future,  with  utter  contempt  for  the 
transient  present,  can  perceive  the  minute  increments  of  secular 
change — much  as  the  geologist,  provided  with  his  vast  time- 
measures,  perceives  the  changes  that  are  slowly  taking  place  on  the 
coasts  of  continents  washed  by  the  tides  and  waves  ot  the  appar- 
ently changeless  ocean  of  waters. 

Such  is  moral  progress  in  society.  With  it  we  may  now  compare, 
or  rather  contrast,  the  other  form  of  social  progress  which  we  have 
distinguished  as  material. 


121 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


Material  progress  results  entirely  from  mental  and  manual  labor 
laid  out  on  invention  and  construction.  Moral  progress  is  a pro- 
duct of  feeling , material  progress  one  of  thought ; the  action  ac- 
companying the  former  is  called  conduct , that  accompanying  the 
latter  is  called  labor.  Conduct  is  confined  to  the  avoidance  of  inter- 
ference with  liberty  of  action  in  others.  Labor  is  directed  to  the 
production  and  distribution  of  the  objects  of  desire.  Moral  action 
aims  at  the  restraint  or  control  of  the  forces  of  society,  of  human 
desires,  prejudices,  and  passions.  Invention  and  labor  aim  at  the 
control  and  utilization  of  physical  and  mechanical  forces,  and  of  such 
vital  processes  as  underlie  pastoral  and  agricultural  pursuits. 

The  contrast  in  the  essential  nature  of  these  two  classes  of  social 
phenomena  is  thus  seen  to  be  very  wide,  but  it  is  not  greater  than 
is  the  difference  in  their  mode  of  operating.  We  have  seen  that 
moral  progress  always  takes  place  by  rhythmic  action,  and  that  its 
secular  slowness  is  not  due  to  its  own  inherent  sluggishness,  but 
to  the  fact  that  only  the  algebraic  sum,  of  its  many  fluxes  and 
refluxes  can  be  counted.  In  material  development  nothing  of  the 
kind  is  found.  Every  step  is  a permanent  gain.  Every  mechani- 
cal invention  is  an  inalienable  contribution  to  the  material  pros- 
perity of  society.  If  the  particular  device  first  produced  becomes 
at  length  obsolete,  as  is  usually  the  case,  it  is  only  because  from  it 
as  a basis  better  devices,  involving  additional  principles  and  doing 
more  efficient  service,  have  grown  up.  And  such,  in  fact,  is  the 
nature  of  all  inventions. 

But  the  machine  is  only  the  material  embodiment  of  intellectual 
conceptions,  and  it  is  these  that  lie  at  the  foundation  of  all  material 
progress.  Indeed,  much  of  this  progress  has  consisted  of  such 
conceptions  without  any  definite  materialization.  Of  this  class  is 
all  real  knowledge  of  nature,  only  part  of  which  can  be  directly 
applied  to  man’s  material  amelioration.  Every  natural  truth 
acquired  proves  advantageous,  and  the  progress  of  pure  science, 
like  the  progress  of  invention,  has  been  steady  though  not  uniform, 
never  intermittent  nor  ryhthmical.  The  misguided  forces  of  feeling 
which  underlie  the  fluctuating  moral  activities  of  society  have  often 
resisted  the  progress  of  science,  have  seriously  checked  it,  some- 
times apparently  arrested  it  during  long  periods,  but  they  have  never 
succeeded  in  forcing  it  backwards.  The  same  is  true  of  art,  espec- 
ially of  practical  or  useful  art.  This  fact  is  strikingly  exemplified 
in  the  interest  attaching  to  the  few  alleged  “lost  arts”,  as  though 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


125 


it  were  next  to  impossible  for  a single  art  to  be  wholly  lost.  And 
so  it  is.  Every  age  has  known  all  that  was  known  by  the  age  that 
preceded  it  and  has  added  something  to  this.  Every  age  has  pos- 
sessed all  the  arts  of  the  age  that  preceded  it,  and  has  added  some- 
thing to  them.  And  this  in  spite  of  the  most  prolonged  moral 
reactions,  such,  for  example,  as  that  of  the  middle  ages. 

If  we  examine  the  arts,  implements,  utensils,  and  weapons  of  any 
of  the  lower  tribes,  as,  for  example,  the  Esquimaux  of  the  extreme 
north,  we  shall  find  that  they  represent  a high  degree  of  skill,  a 
large  amount  of  inventive  thought,  and  a considerable  real  knowl- 
edge of  the  laws  of  nature  and  of  physical  forces.  A comparison 
of  many  such  tribes  also  shows  that  these  devices  represent,  like 
those  of  the  most  enlightened  peoples,  a series  of  steps  in  invention 
answering  to  our  improvements.  But  a better  implement  is  never 
abandoned  for  a poorer  one,  and  here,  as  in  the  higher  races,  pro- 
gress has  been  constant — always  forward.  We  may  therefore  safely 
conclude  that  the  present  high  state  of  material  advancement  in 
scientific  nations  is  the  result  of  a series  of  intellectual  conceptions 
materially  embodied  in  art,  stretching  back  into  that  dim  past  when 
the  club  embodied  the  highest  mechanical  principles  known  to  man. 

Such  is  material  progress,  and  such  are  the  essential  particulars 
in  which  it  so  widely  differs  in  nature  and  method  from  moral  pro- 
gress. But,  great  as  these  differences  seem  and  are,  there  is  a point 
toward  which  they  may  be  made,  hypothetically  at  least,  to  con- 
verge. This  point  is  where  the  human  activities  are  conceived  as 
natural  phenomena,  and  their  control  through  the  normal  inventive 
process  is  contemplated  as  a true  art.  If  the  power  to  do  this  shall 
ever  be  attained,  there  is  no  reason  why  morals  may  not  progress 
in  the  same  manner  and  at  the  same  rate  as  material  civilization. 
The  true  interpreters  of  human  history  now  understand  that  it  is  to 
material  progress,  i.  e. , to  science  and  art,  that  what  moral  progress 
has  actually  taken  place  is  indirectly  due.  It  is  knowledge  of  the 
universe  enlarging  the  mental  horizon  that  has  dispelled  the  bigotry 
of  pre-scientific  ages  and  thrown  the  mantle  of  charity  over  indi- 
vidual conduct  and  opinion.  And  it  is  the  arts  of  intercommuni- 
cation that  have  really  civilized  the*modern  world,  as  compared  with 
the  world  before  their  introduction. 

But  since  morals,  from  the  point  of  view  of  social  science,  are 
concerned  exclusively  with  the  welfare  of  men,  and  since  material 
progress,  both  physical  and  intellectual,  is  also  directed  exclusively 


126 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


toward  this  same  end,  the  question  naturally  arises,  why  does 
not  the  welfare  of  men  advance  pari  passu  with  the  progress  of 
science  and  art?  As  already  remarked,  no  thoughtful  person 
will  maintain  that  it  does  so  advance,  some  insisting  that  the 
two  are  wholly  independent,  and  others  claiming  that  the  moral 
condition  of  society  is  degenerating  in  spite  of  the  brilliant  material 
civilization  of  these  later  times.  After  conceding  all  that  is  possi- 
ble on  the  side  of  a real  moral  progress  in  society  the  case  is  bad 
enough,  and  the  blunt  comment  of  crude  common  sense  naturally 
and  properly  is,  of  what  use  are  science  and  art  if  they  are  incom- 
petent to  add  anything  to  the  general  welfare  of  mankind  ? And 
to  this  question  the  response  of  the  highest  science  is  that  if  they 
cannot  do  this  they  are  of  no  use.  The  welfare  of  mankind  is  the 
ultimate  test  of  utility,  and  whatever  fails  to  withstand  that  test 
stands  condemned. 

But  admitting,  as  has  already  been  done,  that  all  the  perceptible 
moral  progress  that  has  taken  place  has  been  due  to  that  of  intelli- 
gence in  interaction  with  the  practical  arts  which  it  necessarily 
creates,  it  may  still  be  a question  whether  this  trifling  result  is  really 
worth  the  Titanic  efforts  which  this  teeming  age  puts  forth.  The 
attempt  to  answer  this  question  would  probably  be  attended  with 
insuperable  difficulties  and  need  not  be  made.  It  will  be  more 
profitable  to  consider  the  far  more  important  one  whether,  in  the 
nature  of  things,  this  admitted  slight  influence  of  material  upon 
moral  progress  could,  even  theoretically,  be  so  far  increased  as  to 
render  them  somewhat  proportional  in  amount. 

Moral  progress  may  be  defined  as  embracing  all  those  changes 
in  man’s  social  condition  which  actually  enhance  his  general 
well-being;  ihaterial  progress  may  be  defined  as  embracing  those 
changes  which  give  him  power,  if  judiciously  employed,  to  improve 
his  condition,  without  implying  such  employment.  If  these  defi- 
nitions are  correct,  it  is  evident  that  all  that  is  needed  to  make  moral 
progress  depend  quantitatively  upon  material  progress  is  to  secure 
the  judicious  employment  of  the  modifications  of  crude  nature  which 
are  produced  by  human  thought  and  action.  Knowledge,  ingenuity, 
skill,  and  industry  need  to  be  applied  to  moral  ends  and  directed  to 
the  attainment  of  the  social  well-being.  At  present  science  and 
art  are  only  potential  factors  in  civilization.  The  need  is  that  they 
be  converted  into  actual  factors.  They  are  well  nigh  omnipotent 
in  the  accomplishment  of  anything  toward  which  they  can  be  once 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


127 


fairly  directed.  The  difficulty  is  entirely  that  of  securing  for  them 
the  opportunity  for  free  action.  The  power,  for  example,  to  pro- 
duce a large  quantity  of  a useful  commodity  may  exist,  but  the  con- 
ditions be  wanting  for  placing  the  product  in  the  hands  of  those 
who  want  it.  This  checks  the  production  without  affecting  the  pro- 
ducing power.  That  lies  latent,  and  such  latent  power  is  simply 
wasted.  Nor  is  it  altogether  a discrepancy  between  production  and 
distribution.  The  power  to  distribute  exists  as  well  as  the  power  to 
produce,  but  the  conditions  are  wanting  which  are  necessary  to  call 
that  power  into  exercise.  And  this  is  the  actual  industrial  state  of 
society. 

What  is  true  of  art  is  true  of  science.  Intelligence,  far  more  than 
necessity,  is  the  mother  of  invention,  and  the  influence  of  knowl- 
edge as  a social  factor,  like  that  of  wealth,  is  proportional  to  the 
extent  of  its  distribution. 

Society  has  always  presented  to  the  thoughtful  student  two  great 
inequalities  as  the  adequate  explanation  of  nearly  all  its  evils — in- 
equality of  knowledge  and  inequality  of  possession.  Moral  progress, 
in  so  far  as  it  has  taken  place  at  all,  has  consisted  in  the  slight  diminu- 
tion of  one  or  both  of  these  inequalities.  This  is  always  accomplished 
by  the  adoption  of  a better  system  of  distribution.  These  two  com- 
modities, information  and  possession,  differ  in  the  essential  particu- 
lar that  the  latter  is  and  the  former  is  not  destroyed  in  consumption. 
The  existence  of  a supply  of  knowledge  for  distribution  is  therefore 
proved  by  the  very  fact  of  its  inequality.  But  there  is  a sense  in 
which  the  supply  of  wealth  for  distribution  is  also  practically  unlim- 
ited. Production  never  ceases  from  having  reached  a limit  to  the 
power  to  produce.  It  always  ceases  from  having  exceeded  the 
power  of  the  community  to  consume.  But  the  limit  of  consump- 
tion is  in  turn  never  that  of  the  desire  to  consume ; it  is  always  that 
of  the  power  to  obtain.  The  power  of  both  production  and  con- 
sumption is  limited  only  by  that  of  distribution — not  the  mechan- 
ical means  of  distribution,  for  these,  too,  are  unlimited,  but  the 
conditions  to  the  performance  of  the  sociological  function  of  dis- 
tribution. Could  the  distribution  of  knowledge  and  of  physical 
necessities  go  on  at  a rate  at  all  proportional  to  their  possible  crea- 
tion, the  moral  progress  of  society,  i.  e.,  the  increase  in  its  aggregate 
well-being  or  enjoyment,  would  not  only  be  as  rapid,  but  would 
also  be  as  uniform  and  steady  as  its  material  progress.  If  the  knowl- 
edge now  in  possession  of  the  few  were  in  the  possession  of  all,  its 


128 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


benefits  would  be  far  more  than  proportional  to  its  universality, 
since  inequality  itself  often  renders  knowledge  positively  injurious. 
Although  it  be  true  that  if  the  actual  wealth  of  the  world  were 
equally  distributed  the  share  of  each  individual  would  be  a very 
small  fortune,  yet  if  the  limitations  to  possible  distribution  were 
removed  production  would  so  far  increase  that  almost  any  desired 
portion  might  fall  to  each  and  all. 

Wherein,  then,  consists  this  mysterious  yet  potent  barrier  to  the 
distribution  of  wealth  and  wisdom  : this  practically  prohibitory 
tariff  upon  the  world’s  commerce  in  both  thoughts  and  things  ? 

The  answer  is  rather  deep  than  difficult.  The  two  processes  as 
they  go  on  in  society  belong  to  antithetically  opposite  categories 
of  social  phenomena.  We  have  in  them  the  ultimate  kernel  of  that 
broad  contrast  which  has  just  been  drawn  between  moral  and  mate- 
rial progress.  It  is  the  great  distinction  between  natural  and  arti- 
ficial processes,  between  genetic  and  teleol'ogic  activity,  between 
growth  and  manufacture,  between  the  method  by  which  feeling  works 
and  that  by  which  intellect  works.  The  former  is  a method  of 
direct  effort,  and  fails  in  the  great  majority  of  cases  to  attain  its  end 
because  of  obstacles  which  are  never  taken  into  account.  The  lat- 
ter is  a method  of  indirect  calculation  by  which  the  obstacles  are 
foreseen,  and  in  one  way  or  another  provided  against  before  the 
advance  is  attempted.  Hence  it  is  always  successful  if  the  phenom- 
ena and  laws  to  be  dealt  with  are  really  understood.  This  is  why 
science  and  art,  as  already  stated,  move  ever  forward,  never  back- 
ward. The  discovery  of  truth  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  invention 
of  artificial  appliances  on  the  other,  are  always  going  on,  multiply- 
ing the  power  of  man  to  produce  and  distribute  the  objects  of  desire. 
Of  the  gain  thus  made  nothing  is  ever  lost.  But  when  we  come  to 
the  actual  utilization  of  the  products  of  discovery,  invention,  and 
handicraft,  we  find  this  under  the  control  of  the  opposite  class  of 
forces.  The  power  to  produce  either  knowledge  or  wealth  is  con- 
trolled by  man,  exercised  when  it  can  serve  his  purposes,  checked 
or  arrested  when  it  no  longer  does  this.  But  the  power  to  possess — 
the  ability  to  obtain  the  truth  discovered  or  the  commodity  wrought 
— is  controlled  by  natural  laws  and  depends  upon  the  thousand  acci- 
dents of  life — the  conflicting  wills  of  men,  the  passions  of  avarice 
and  ambition,  the  vicissitudes  of  fortune,  the  uncertainties  of  cli- 
mate and  seasons,  the  circumstances  of  birth  and  social  station,  the 
interests  and  caprices  of  nations  and  rulers.  Of  what  use  is  discov- 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


129 


ered' truth  to  the  millions  whose  minds  it  can  never  reach?  Why- 
produce  useful  commodities  which  those  who  need  them  are  unable 
to  obtain?  For  while  all  producers  are  also  consumers,  and  nearly 
all  consumers  are  at  the  same  time  producers,  yet  few  can  satisfy 
their  wants,  however  capable  they  may  be  of  producing  an  equiva- 
lent in  value  of  other  forms.  Inventions  in  the  practical  arts  by 
which  the  power  is  acquired  to  multiply  the  products  of  labor,  in- 
stead of  working  the  rapid  amelioration  of  the  laboring  classes, 
actually  injure  their  prospects  by  throwing  skilled  artisans  out  of 
employment;  and  instead  of  resulting  in  greatly  increased  pro- 
duction they  do  not  appreciably  affect  production,  but  reduce 
the  amount  of  labor  to  the  disadvantage  of  the  laborer.  The 
plea  of  over-production  in  periods  of  financial  depression  is  the 
sheerest  mockery,  since  it  is  just  at  such  times  that  the  greatest 
want  is  felt.  It  may  be  true  that  more  is  produced  than  the 
consumers  ca.n  obtain,  but  far  less  is  produced  at  all  times  than 
they  actually  need  and  are  able  to  render  a full  equivalent  for.  The 
eager  manner  in  which  every  demand  for  laborers  is  responded  to 
sufficiently  proves  this.  It  proves  also  that  the  industrial  system  is 
out  of  order,  and  that  we  live  in  a pathological  state  of  society.  The 
vast  accumulations  of  goods  at  the  mills  avail  nothing  to  the  half- 
clad  men  and  women  who  are  shivering  by  thousands  in  the  streets 
while  vainly  watching  for  an  opportunity  to  earn  the  wherewithal  to 
be  clothed.  The  storehouse  of  grain  held  by  the  speculator  against 
a rise  in  prices  has  no  value  to  the  famished  communities  who  would 
gladly  pay  for  it  in  value  of  some  form. 

Yet  in  all  this  the  fault  cannot  fairly  be  said  to  lie  with  individ- 
uals nor  with  corporations,  with  manufacturer  nor  merchant,  with 
producer  nor  consumer.  These  do  but  act  the  nature  wifh  which 
they  are  endowed.  This  defective  circulation  of  industrial  pro- 
ducts is  the  result  of  the  state  of  society.  It  is  in  one  sense  normal, 
since  it  is  due  to  the  operation  of  natural  laws  governing  social 
phenomena.  The  enormous  inequalities  of  both  the  classes  named 
and  the  evils  resulting,  constituting  the  major  part  of  the  woes  of 
mankind,  are  simply  due  to  the  fact  that  the  agencies  for  distribu- 
ting knowledge  and  wealth  are  free  in  the  politico-economic  sense, 
i.  e.,  not  regulated  nor  controlled  by  intelligent  foresight.  The 
contrast  between  moral  and  material  progress  is  the  contrast  be- 
tween Nature  and  Art.  Nature  is  free.  Art  is  caged.  The  forces 
of  Nature  play  unbridled  among  themselves,  until  choked  by 
9 


130 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


their  mutual  friction,  they  are  equilibrated  and  come  to  rest.  Art 
commands  them  with  tones  of  authority  to  pursue  paths  selected 
by  intelligence  and  thus  indefinitely  to  continue  to  exert  their 
power.  Under  the  dominion  of  Science,  i.  e .,  under  the  intelligent 
control  of  physical  forces,  man’s  power  to  create  the  objects  of  de- 
sire and  to  send  them  where  he  will,  is  practically  unlimited.  But 
under  the  dominion  of  Nature,  i.  e. , under  the  free  operation  of  the 
social  forces,  as  yet  beyond  the  reach  of  science,  these  objects  of 
human  necessity  in  seeking  unaided  their  proper  destination  con- 
flict perpetually  in  their  passage,  dashing  against  unseen  obstruc- 
tions, forcing  themselves  into  inextricable  entanglements,  polariz- 
ing themselves  around  powerful  centers  of  attraction,  heaping  them- 
selves up  in  inaccessible  “corners,”  or  flying  off  on  tangential  lines 
to  be  lost  forever. 

This  is  what  in  modern  phrase  is  very  properly  denominated  the 
“waste  of  competition.”  But  it  is  far  more  than  the  mere  waste 
of  the  wealth  produced.  It  is  the  paralysis  of  the  strong  hands  of 
science  and  art  as  they  co-operate  with  labor  in  the  creation  of 
value.  It  is  the  stubborn,  the  protracted  resistance  which  the  moral 
forces  of  society  offer  to  its  material  as  well  as  to  its  moral  progress. 

The  statement  of  the  problem  is  its  theoretical  solution,  which 
can  be  nothing  less  than  the  conquest  by  science  of  the  domain  of 
the  social  as  it  has  conquered  that  of  the  physical  forces. 

But  alas ! how  wide  is  the  difference  between  the  theoretical  and 
the  practical  solution  of  a problem  to  the  bare  statement  of  which 
the  foremost  thinkers  of  the  age  are  as  yet  unwilling  to  listen. 

DISCUSSION. 

The  paper  was  discussed  at  length  by  Messrs.  Powell,  Welling, 
Thomas,  Baker,  Peters,  Hart,  and  Ward. 

Major  Powell  maintained  that  there  had  been  much  moral  prog- 
ress, and  gave  numerous  illustrations  of  this  among  uncivilized  races. 
He  said  that  some  of  these  races  had  elaborate  codes  of  morals  often 
worthy  of  imitation  by  civilized  races,  and  that  the  work  of  devising 
means  of  preventing  and  terminating  controversy  and  securing  jus- 
tice had  engrossed  the  energies  of  all  people  from  time  immemorial, 
that  it  had  been  largely  successful,  and  had  resulted  in  great  moral 
progress,  as  great  as,  or  even  greater,  than  the  material  progress 
achieved  by  such  races. . 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


131 


Mr.  Welling,  after  paying  a high  tribute  to  Mr.  Ward’s  paper, 
expressed  the  opinion  that  the  complaint  which  it  formulated,  based 
on  the  assumed  failure  of  moral  progress  to  keep  pace  with  material 
progress,  was  in  itself  the  mark  and  the  expression  of  growing  moral 
aspirations,  seeking  more  and  more  to  realize  themselves  in  the 
figure  of  society.  It  is  a sign  of  intellectual  growth  when  an  age 
is  working  vehemently  on  unsolved  problems  along  the  converging 
lines  of  scientific  inquiry;  and  it  is  an  augury  of  moral  progress 
when  an  age  has  become  impatient  of  existing  social  adjustments 
in  their  relation  to  public  well-being,  and  is  longing  for  a better 
co-ordination  of  social  relations  and  a better  distribution. of  social 
advantages.  The  unrest  of  such  an  epoch,  he  said,  is  the  unrest 
incidental  to  all  transition  periods,  and  is  a ground  of  congratula- 
tion rather  than  a source  of  lamentation.  It  is  necessary  that  social 
wants  and  moral  aspirations  shall  be  distinctly  articulated  before 
they  can  be  properly  embodied  in  institutions  or  in  regulations;  and 
this  embodiment  must  needs  be  a slow  process  under  the  formula  of 
social  evolution,  because  social  experiments  are  experiments  made 
on  the  grandest  of  all  living  organisms — the  body  politic — and  not 
in  corpore  vili. 

Nor  is  it  enough  that  the  co-ordination  of  society  should  be 
directed  by  the  highest  intelligence  of  the  community,  if  that  intel- 
ligence be  congested  in  the  head  of  the  social  organism.  It  is  so 
in  China  to-day,  and  has  there  resulted  in  a stationary  civilization. 
It  had  been  so  in  the  feudal  system  of  the  middle  ages,  and  had 
there  resulted  in  a cast-iron  polity  destructive  of  moral  progress 
and  of  social  well-being,  until  that  cast-iron  polity  had  been  broken 
by  the  expansive  force  of  a larger  and  more  complex  social  life 
permeating  the  lower  members  of  the  body  politic.  True  moral 
progress  can  take  place  only  in  a social  organism  which  is  “ vital  in 
every  part,”  for  here  the  actions,  reactions,  and  interactions  of 
public  opinions  give  the  widest  possible  distribution  to  social 
thoughts,  feelings,  purposes,  and  aspirations.  It  is  in  such  an 
organism  that  “discussion  becomes  the  mould  of  measures,”  to  use 
the  fine  phrase  of  Thucydides,  and  that  the  lines  of  safe  social 
change  can  be  soonest  discovered  and  soonest  followed.  In  such 
a community  there  will  be  a growing  complexity  and  a growing 
difficulty  in  the  problems  to  be  solved  by  each  generation,  but  the 
problems  will  not  increase  in  difficulty  or  number  beyond  the  grow- 
ing resources  of  civilization  for  coping  with  them.  He  illustrated 


132 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


this  point  by  citing  the  new  and  difficult  social  problems  created  by 
the  abolition  of  slavery,  and  by  the  removal  of  governmental  restric- 
tions on  the  freedom  of  industry. 

Dr.  Baker  said  that  in  estimating  progress  in  the  domain  of 
morals  we  should  be  careful  to  consider  the  average  state  through- 
out a sufficiently  wide  area.  Comparing  the  present  state  of  the 
civilized  world  with  that  of  ancient  Greece  and  Rome,  we  do  not 
at  first  see  such  a marked  advance,  but  it  should  be  remembered 
that  at  the  time  of  Socrates  and  Seneca  the  greater  part  of  Europe 
was  living  in  a state  of  low  barbarism,  comparable  to  that  of  no- 
madic savage  tribes,  preying  on  each  other  like  hawks  and  falcons, 
and  it  was  not  until  after  the  Norman  Conquest  that  life  and  prop- 
erty in  the  northern  part  of  Europe  were  safe  from  ruthless  marau- 
ders and  sea-robbers.  Respect  for  abstract  right  and  justice  were 
matters  of  late  growth,  clearly  recognized,  it  is  true,  by  the  Greeks 
and  Romans,  especially  by  the  latter. 

We  may  be  in  error  in  estimating  the  state  of  morals  in  any 
ancient  nation,  for  we  know  that  it  is  extremely  difficult  to  correctly 
estimate  our  contemporaries.  Thousands  of  Englishmen N suppose 
to  day  that  our  late  civil  war  was  a mere  struggle  for  supremacy,  a 
conflict  for  territory,  and  it  seems  hopeless  for  an  American  to  un- 
derstand French  politics  or  French  morality.  According  to  the 
average  French  novel,  infidelity  to  marital  relations  is  the  rule,  yet 
all  who  have  had  access  to  French  households  agree  that  in  no 
country  are  the  family  habits  more  sweet,  affectionate,  and  fixed.  I 
am  sure  that  we  would  err  grievously  to  take  our  view  of  French 
morals  from  Zola,  Balzac,  or  Sue.  In  reading  Plato  I have  been 
startled  at  the  mention  of  certain  habits  and  practices  in  such  a 
connection  as  to  show  that  they  were  not  regarded  by  the  author  as 
at  all  objectionable,  practices  which  would  to-day  be  considered  in- 
famous. The  collection  at  the  Museo  Borbonico  at  Naples,  contains 
many  articles  of  personal  adornment  and  public  exhibition  from 
Pompeii  which  are  so  shocking  to  our  ideas  that  they  are  not  shown 
to  the  general  public,  and  Terence,  Plautus,  Juvenal,  and  Rabelais 
abound  in  passages  which  show  that  they  addressed  an  audience  to 
whom  gross  and  lascivious  ideas  gave  a pleasure  which  to-day  is 
usually  replaced  by  disgust.  Indeed  this  attitude  of  mind  was  so 
common  that  even  the  purest  Greek  and  Roman  authors  are  now 
read  in  our  schools  with  expurgated  editions. 

It  seems  to  me  clear  that  a certain  unwritten  code  of  morals  not 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


133 


always  easily  defined  has  been  growing  throughout  the  historical 
period  with  a steady  progress  on  the  whole.  I refer  to  that  code 
which  has  for  its  basis  the  criticism  of  our  fellows,  and  which  we 
call  the  morals  and  manners  of  a gentleman.  Obscured  by  many 
absurd  and  trivial  details  as  to  what  clothing  we  shall  wear  and  what 
corner  of  our  cards  we  shall  turn  down,  it  has  yet  a very  substantial 
moral  basis,  and  there  are  evident  signs  of  its  advance.  Time  was 
when  it  was  not  considered  necessary  to  adhere  closely  to  the  truth, 
and  when  the  seduction  of  young  girls  was  considered  an  accom- 
plishment. Our  grandfathers  reverenced  a five-bottle  man  while 
we  look  rather  askance  at  one  who  “ tarrieth  long  at  the  wine.” 
I believe  that  never  in  the  world  has  the  standard  of  clean,  healthy 
morality  been  as  high  as  to-day,  although  I am  aware  that  the  eager 
scramble  for  money  perverts  and  injures  many  features  of  the  fair 
ideal. 

We  do  not  always  completely  realize  the  Titanic  task  which  this 
wonderful  teeming  nineteenth  century  has  before  it.  The  civiliza- 
tion of  the  past  had  for  its  object  the  training  and  enlightenment  of 
the  few ; we  are  apt  to  judge  of  it  by  its  results  upon  that  few,  and 
forget  the  countless  miserable  hordes  of  slaves  and  plebes  that  were 
little  above  cattle,  and  whose  morals  no  one  noted.  These  formed 
the  armies  that  sacked  and  burned  conquered  cities,  a proceeding  that 
was  once  a matter  of  course,  performing  deeds  of  lust  and  rapine 
that  are  almost  impossible  to  realize.  The  task  to-day  is  to  civilize 
all , to  give  to  all  the  opportunity  to  live  healthful,  active,  lives  of 
usefulness  and  enjoyment.  It  will  take  long,  and  we  are  in  the 
throes  of  the  conflict.  Of  all  biological  processes  those  that  bring 
the  passions  under  control  are  the  slowest.  The  African  whose 
grandfather  was  a cannibal  will  not  at  once  conform  to  the  moral 
attitude  of  the  descendants  of  a long  line  of  civilized  ancestry,  how- 
ever he  may  seem  to  do  so. 

On  the  other  hand,  I cannot  but  note  that  any  stride  in  material 
progress  must  ameliorate  the  general  condition,  and  so  foster  moral 
progress.  That  morality  has  something  to  do  with  food  supply  is 
evident  to  us  all,  and  it  is  a matter  of  daily  observation  that  one  is 
more  ready  to  do  a good  deed  after  breakfast.  The  poor  half- 
starved  Irish  peasant  ready  to  shoot  his  landlord  on  trifling  provo- 
cation is  transformed  in  the  course  of  a generation  to  a jovial,  hard- 
working, and  tolerably  law-abiding  citizen  when  transferred  to  a 
more  genial  environment. 


134 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


Mr.  E.  T.  Peters  said  he  had  been  deeply  interested  in  listen- 
ing to  the  paper  read  by  Prof.  Ward.  He  thought  that  in  some 
of  the  comments  made  in  the  course  of  the  discussion  it  had  been 
assumed  that  the  term  moral  progress,  as  used  in  the  paper,  referred 
to  improvement  in  public  morals ; but,  as  the  essayist  had  defined 
it,  it  embraced  not  only  this  but  everything  else  which  advanced 
the  happiness  of  man.  The  lack  of  progress  which  had  been  chiefly 
dwelt  upon  in  the  paper  just  read  seemed  to  him  to  consist  mainly 
in  the  tardy  advance  of  political  and  social  science.  Between  this 
and  the  marvelous  advances  which  in  modern  times  had  been  made 
in  the  physical  sciences  and  in  their  application  to  the  arts  of  life 
there  was  indeed,  a striking  contrast.  Referring  to  a remark  which 
Major  Powell  had  made  as  to  the  necessity  for  new  adjust- 
ments in  social  organization  arising  from  changes  in  the  mater ia^ 
conditions  under  which  a society  existed,  the  speaker  said,  that 
was  a pregnant  thought.  The  changes  of  condition  brought  about 
within  the  last  one  hundred  years  through  the  introduction  of 
labor-saving  devices  into  the  industries  of  the  civilized  world  had 
alone  amounted  to  an  economic  revolution,  and  a need  had  thus 
been  created  for  changes  correspondingly  great  in  the  social  adjust- 
ments which  relate  to  the  production  and  distribution  of  wealth. 
The  knowledge  essential  to  the  making  of  such  changes  as  the  best 
interests  of  society  required  had,  however,  not  been  in  existence, 
and  although  vast  social  changes  had  occurred,  they  had  come 
about  not  in  pursuance  of  any  wise  and  comprehensive  plan,  but 
through  the  blindly  exerted  pressure  of  changing  circumstances, 
and  in  a large  part  they  had  been  productive  of  great  social  misery 
and  discontent.  To  take  a single  illustration,  the  introduction  of 
the  new  industrial  methods  had  given  a powerful  impetus  to  the 
growth  of  towns  and  cities,  causing  them  to  spread  over  large  areas 
of  suburban  land,  or  to  rise  up  on  land  where  none  had  stood 
before.  This  had  operated  to  the  great  enrichment  of  a few  land- 
owners,  at  the  expense  of  crushing  rents  and  ruinous  over-crowding 
to  the  poorer  portions  of  the  urban  population.  Society  had  no 
interest  in  this  enrichment  of  a few  land-owners,  because  it  had 
occurred  independent  of  the  exercise  on  their  part  of  any  of  those 
economic  or  social  virtues  which  it  is  the  policy  of  society  to  en- 
courage ; while  on  the  other  hand  the  most  imperious  considerations 
of  public  policy  had  demanded  that  the  correlative  over-crowding 
of  the  poor — unwholesome  no  less  from  a moral  than  a physical 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


135 


point  of  view,’ and  tending  to  rapid  social  deterioration — should  if 
possible  have  been  prevented.  A social  adjustment  adapted  to  that 
purpose  might  have  been  found  in  a land  tax  like  that  suggested 
by  a very  eminent  English  economist,  the  late  John  Stuart  Mill, 
namely,  a tax  which  as  nearly  as  practicable  should  appropriate  for 
public  purposes  the  whole  unearned  increase  in  the  rental  value  of 
land.  But  Mr.  Mill’s  suggestion  had  not  been  made  until  about 
fifteen  years  ago,  and  the  advanced  public  opinion  necessary  to  the 
adoption  of  a plan  involving  some  such  principle  did  not  exist 
even  yet.  That  the  situation  created  by  the  want  of  social  and 
political  adjustments  adapted  to  modern  industrial  conditions  was 
a very  serious  one  was  apparent  from  indications  that  might  be  seen 
on  every  hand.  To  close  the  great  gap  between  social  and  physical 
science — between  moral  progress  as  defined  in  the  paper  just  read 
and  material  progress  as  illustrated  in  the  stupendous  achievements 
of  modern  industrial  art — was  in  the  speaker’s  opinion  the  crying 
need  of  the  time,  and  unless  this  need  were  supplied  there  would 
be  imminent  danger  of  a social  catastrophe.  In  order  that  it 
might  be  supplied  it  was  necessary  that  social  questions  should 
receive  attention  to  a vastly  increased  extent.  In  particular  should 
the  most  serious  and  unprejudiced  consideration  be  given  to  the 
manifestations  of  discontent  that  came  from  the  working  people  of 
every  civilized  nation.  If  they  were  not  proposing  the  best  remedies 
for  the  evils  they  complained  of,  so  much  the  greater  was  the  need 
that  the  deep  sociological  problems  involved  should  be  taken  up  in 
earnest  by  those  who  had  more  time  and  a better  intellectual  equip- 
ment for  their  study ; and  they  must  be  taken  up,  not  as  it  was  to  be 
feared  they  had  been  by  some  men  rated  high  as  political  econo- 
mists, namely,  in  the  spirit  of  an  advocate  retained  for  the  defense 
of  the  existing  state  of  things — but  in  the  pure  spirit  of  the  man  of 
science,  ready  to  follow  where  the  truth  should  lead,  however 
great  and  radical  the  social  changes  which  might  be  involved  in 
doing  so. 

There  were  very  influential  writers  who  would  have  us  believe 
that  the  discontent  of  the  poorer  classes  had  no  foundation  unless  it 
were  in  the  mischievous  meddling  of  governments  with  the  natural 
course  of  affairs.  The  speaker  believed  that  we  should  come  much 
nearer  the  truth  if  we  accepted  the  views  advanced  in  the  paper 
under  discussion,  which  were  directly  the  reverse  of  that  just  indi- 
cated, recognizing  the  necessity  of  social  coordinations  to  which 


136 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


only  governmental  agencies  could  be  adequate.  There  was  doubt- 
less a field  for  legislative  action  in  the  repeal  of  bad  existing  laws, 
but  there  was  a still  wider  one  in  the  enactment  of  good  ones 
adapted  to  the  needs  of  soeiety. 

Mr..  Ward,  in  reply  to  numerous  inquiries  and  objections  made 
during  the  discussion  of  the  paper,  explained  that  for  the  sake 
of  brevity  he  had  omitted  any  precise  definition  of  the  term 
Moral  Progress  as  used  in  the  paper.  He  said  that  the  term 
was  often  employed  in  two  quite  distinct  senses,  and  that  much  of 
the  discussion  had  considered  it  in  the  other  sense  from  that  clearly 
implied  in  the  paper.  There  is  a subjective  sense  which  relates  to 
individual  character  and  an  objective  sense  which  relates  to  col- 
lective well-being.  The  paper  did  not  pretend  to  discuss  the 
question  whether  human  character  had  advanced,  or  how  much  it 
had  advanced.  It  aimed  only  to  consider  the  relation  of  material 
civilization  to  social  well-being,  the  sole  test  of  moral  progress  in 
this  objective  sense  being  the  condition  attained  with  respect  to  the 
enjoyment  of  life.  This  progress  might  be  either  positive,  consist- 
ing in  an  increase  in  the  pleasures  of  life ; or  it  might  be  negative, 
and  consist  in  the  reduction  of  the  pains  of  life.  In  fact  this 
negative  progress  has  been  by  far  the  most  observable,  the  chief 
improvement  in  man’s  condition  thus  far  being  some  slight  mitiga- 
tion of  the  evils  of  existence.  In  view  of  this  criterion  of  moral 
progress  as  measured  by  the  degree  of  collective  happiness,  all  that 
had  been  said  respecting  higher  standards  of  taste  in  literature  and 
social  life  was  irrelevant  to  the  discussion,  since  it  simply  con- 
founded refinement  with  enjoyment,  which  are  two  entirely  distinct 
things.  Admitting  that  finer  sensibilities  are  capable  of  higher  en- 
joyment, this  is  far  from  proving  that  they  necessarily  enjoy  more, 
for  they  are  also  capable  of  more  acute  suffering,  and  the  whole 
question  originally  was  whether  material  civilization  prevents  more 
of  the  latter  than  it  occasions. 

Mr.  Ward  in  conclusion  expressed  surprise  that  Dr.  Welling 
should  have  seemed  to  regard  his  paper  at  all  in  the  light  of  a 
jeremiad.  On  the  contrary,  he  tried  to*  take  such  a view  of  the 
future  as  should  be  philosophic  rather  than  either  pessimistic  or 
optimistic,  but  had  sometimes  been  accused  of  expecting  results 
that  were  not  likely  to  be  soon  realized. 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


137 


Ninety-Second  Regular  Meeting,  March  3,  1885. 

Major  J.  W.  Powell,  the  President,  in  the  Chair. 

The  Secretary  being  absent  the  minutes  were  not  read.  The 
President  announced  that  on  account  of  the  small  attendance  the 
Council  had  thought  best  to  defer  the  regular  program  till  another 
meeting,  and  that  a portion  of  the  time  would  be  occupied  by  him- 
self. He  then  addressed  the  Society  upon  Patriarchy,  and  the 
conditions  of  savage  society  which  preceded  and  led  to  it. 

He  was  followed  by  Mr.  Cushing  in  some  remarks  upon  artificial 
age  and  parentage  among  the  Zunis,  illustrated  by  his  own  experi- 
ence. 


Ninety-Third  Regular  Meeting,  March  17th,  1885. 

Major  J.  W.  Powell,  President,  in  the  Chair. 

The  Secretary  of  the  Council  announced  the  election  of  Prof. 
W.  C.  Kerr,  of  Raleigh,  N.  C.,  as  a corresponding  member,  and 
Mr.  E.  R.  L.  Gould,  of  Washington,  D.  C.,  as  an  active  member 
of  the  Society. 

The  following  papers  were  then  read  : 

“ Study  of  the  Circular  Rooms  in  the  Ancient  Pueblos,’' 
by  Mr.  Victor  Mindeleff. 

“Circular  Architecture  Among  the  Ancient  Peruvians,” 
by  Mr.  W.  H.  Holmes. 


discussion. 

Prof.  Mason.  A very  interesting  separation  has  been  made  by 
the  speakers  of  the  evening  without  design.  The  subject  for  discus- 
sion is  “ Circular  Architecture  of  the  American  Aborigines.”  Now 
in  discus  ing  this  theme  we  may  have  regard  either  to  structure  or 
function.  If  Mr.  Turner  had  not  been  called  away  he  would  have 
told  us  of  the  Eskimo  igloo,  or  winter  temporary  hut  of  ice  or  snow; 
Mr.  Mindeleff  described  at  length  the  circular  rooms  in  the  pueblo 
structures  of  our  southwest  territory,  and  Mr.  Holmes  has  dwelt 
upon  the  chulpas.  Structurally  we  have  the  material  at  hand 


138 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


wrought  into  the  most  natural  shape  for  a cist  or  cell,  the  most 
simple  being  that  of'  the  Eskimo,  the  most  complex,  the  chulpa  of 
dressed  stone.  Now  as  to  function,  they  differ  very  curiously,  the 
igloo  teems  with  daily  life,  the  estufa  is  open  to  ceremony  and  con- 
ventions, the  chulpa  is  a sealed  tomb.  The  Eskimo  has  a council 
chamber,  a place  of  public  meeting  in  the  permanent  undergound 
dwelling.  The  Chibchas  and  Peruvians  had  both  dwelling  and 
meeting  places  apart.  Descending  the  continent  from  north  to 
south  it  is  curious  to  notice  the  transfer  of  function  in  circular 
architecture  from  dwelling  place  to  meeting  place,  from  meeting 
place  to  tomb. 

Mr.  Arthur  Mitchell,  in  his  admirable  work,  ‘ ‘ The  Past  in  the 
Present,”  has  shown  us  how  old  arts  degenerate  as  new  arts  arise. 
The  reason  is  not  far  to  seek.  When  our  Indians  were  brought  face 
to  face  with  the  civilization  of  the  whites,  the  bright,  intelligent, 
susceptible  individuals  and  tribes  dropped  at  once  their  old  arts 
and  took  on  the  new.  The  old,  the  dull,  the  conservative  clung  to 
former  things,  which  degenerated  in  their  hands.  On  the  whole 
there  was  progress,  but  many  things  in  the  onward  mass  were  mov- 
ing backward. 

So  it  is  with  civilization  at  large — families,  gentes,  tribes — whole 
nations  and  races  disappear ; but  new  and  better  families — gentes, 
tribes,  nations,  and  races  take  their  places. 

Mr.  J.  H.  Blodgett  said  the  remarks  as  to  a sinking  class  of 
persons  in  this  city  and  elsewhere,  call  to  mind  an  investigation 
carefully  made  and  recorded  about  1810  in  the  city  of  Glasgow  in 
connection  with  some  of  the  benevolent  operations  of  the  Church 
of  Scotland. 

The  classification  then  made  was  in  these  four  groups  : i . A 

wealthy  class,  able  to  select  and  carry  out  their  own  plans  of  life  in 
the  main  independently — one-sixth  of  the  people.  2.  An  uprising 
class,  struggling  for  better  advantages  for  themselves  and  their 
children — one-third  of  the  people.  3.  A sinking  class,  tending 
downward  except  for  helpful  influences  brought  to  bear  on  them  by 
others — one-third  of  the  people.  4.  A sunken  class,  confirmed 
criminals  and  paupers — one-sixth  of  the  people.  Such  investiga- 
tions have  a bearing  upon  discussions  such  as  that  of  the  Society 
recently  upon  our  relative  moral  and  physical  progress. 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


139 


Ninety-Fourth  Regular  Meeting,  April  7,  1885. 

Major  J.  W.  Powell,  President,  in  the  Chair. 

Dr.  Washington  Matthews,  U.  S.  A.,  read  a paper  entitled, 
“ Mythological  Dry-Painting  of  the  Navajos.” 

ABSTRACT. 

These  are  pictures  of  large  size  (10  to  12  feet  in  diameter)  drawn 
in  powdered  substances  on  the  sanded  floors  of  the  medicine  lodges 
of  the  Navajo  Indians  of  New  Mexico  and  Arizona.  They  repre- 
sent various  gods  and  other  mythical  conceptions  of  this  tribe. 
The  pigments  used  are  five  in  number : white,  made  of  powdered 
white  sandstone;  yellow,  of  yellow  sandstone;  red,  of  red  sand- 
stone ; black,  of  charcoal ; and  a so-called  blue — but  really  a gray 
— of  black  and  white  mixed  in  proper  proportions.  To  apply  them 
the  artist  grasps  a little  in  his  hand  and  allows  it  to  flow  out  between 
the  thumb  and  the  opposed  fingers.  When  he  makes  a mistake  he 
does  not  brush  away  the  color,  he  obliterates  it  by  pouring  sand  on 
it,  and  then  draws  the  corrected  design  on  the  new  surface. 

The  drawings  are  begun  as  much  towards  the  center  as  the  nature 
of  the  picture  will  permit,  due  regard  being  paid  to  the  precedence 
of  the  points  of  the  compass,  i e.,  the  figure  of  the  god  in  the  east  is 
begun  first;  that  in  the  south,  second;  that  in  the  west,  third; 
that  in  the  north,  fourth.  While  the  work  is  in  progress  the  chief 
shaman  does  little  more  than  direct  and  criticise ; a dozen  or  more 
young  men,  who  have  been  initiated  into  the  mysteries,  perform  the 
manual  labor.  The  pictures  are  drawn  in  accordance  with  estab- 
lished rules,  except  in  certain  well-defined  cases  where  the  painter 
is  allowed  to  indulge  his  fancy.  This  is  the  case  with  the  embroi- 
dered pouches,  which  the  gods  are  represented  as  carrying.  On  the 
other  hand  some  parts  are  measured  by  palms  and  spans,  and . not 
a line  of  the  sacred  design  can  be  varied  in  them.  Straight  and 
parallel  lines  are  drawn  on  a tightened  cord.  The  naked  forms  of 
the  mythical  persons  are  first  drawn,  then  the  clothing  is  put  on. 

When  the  picture  is  finished  it  is  the  duty  of  the  shaman  to  put 
corn-pollen  on  the  lips  and  breast  of  each  divine  form  and  to  set 
certain  plumed  wands  around  the  picture.  Then  the  sick  person 
for  whose  benefit  the  whole  ceremony  is  performed  enters  and  has 
the  colored  dust  from  various  parts  of  the  pictured  forms  applied  to 


140 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


corresponding  parts  of  his  person  to  remove  disease,  and  to  have 
many  other  rites  performed  over  him.  When  the  patient  has  de- 
parted many  of  the  spectators  pick  up  and  preserve  the  sacred 
corn -pollen.  Some  take  dust  from  the  figures  on  their  moistened 
palms  and  rub  it  over  their  own  bodies.  Then  the  shaman  obliterates 
the  picture  with  a slender  wand  while  he  sings  a song  appropriate 
to  this  part  of  the  ceremony.  Lastly,  the  assistants  gather  the  sand 
in  their  blankets,  carry  it  to  a distance  from  the  lodge  and  throw 
it  away.  Thus  in  half  an  hour  from  the  completion  of  the  picture 
not  a trace  of  it  is  left. 

The  lecturer  has  heard  of  seventeen  great  ceremonies  of  the 
Navajos  in  which  pictures  of  this  character  are  drawn.  There  are 
about  four  pictures  to  each  ceremony — only  one  picture  being 
painted  in  a day — and  besides  these  great  ceremonies  there  are 
minor  rites  with  their  appropriate  pictures,  smaller  and  less  elab- 
orate. The  medicine  men.  aver  that  these  pictures  of  the  great 
ceremonies  are  transmitted  unaltered  from  year  to  year,  and  from 
generation  to  generation.  This  is  doubtful,  as  no  permanent  design 
is  preserved  for  reference  and  there  is  no  final  authority  in  the 
tribe.  Furthermore,  as  the  majority  of  the  rites  can  be  performed 
only  in  the  season  when  the  snakes  hibernate,  the  pictures  are  car 
ried  from  winter  to  winter  in  the  fallible  memories  of  men.  It  is 
probable,  however,  that  innovations  are  unintentional  and  that 
changes  are  wrought  slowly. 

The  lecture  was  illustrated  with  seven  large  charts,  representing 
some  of  the  pictures  which  the  lecturer  had  seen.  Of  their  meaning 
and  symbolism  there  was  given  a full  explanation,  which  included 
the  description  of  many  of  the  rites  and  the  narration  of  many  of 
the  myths  and  traditions  of  the  tribe.* 

Following  this  paper  Prof.  Gilbert  Thompson  presented  sketches 
of  rude  drawings,  seen  by  him  in  a cave  at  San  Antonio  Springs, 
N.  M.  The  walls  of  tke  cave  were  smoke-covered,  but  the  draw- 
ings were  distinct  and  plainly  marked,  etched  in  the  stone  surface 
and  brought  out  with  various  colored  pigments.  Certain  points  of 
resemblance  were  indicated  between  these  figures  and  some  de- 
scribed by  Dr.  Matthews. 

* A more  extensive  abstract  appears  in  the  “American  Naturalist  ” for  October, 
1885. 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


141 


DISCUSSION. 

Mr.  Dorsey  said,  referring  to  the  mystic  qualities  attributed  to 
the  number  four  among  the  Navajos,  that  among  the  northern  Atha- 
bascans the  number  five  held  the  place  accorded  to  four  by  the 
Indians  of  the  Missouri  river  and  Southwest. 

Maj.  Powell  said  that  great  elaboration  was  to  be  observed  in 
the  myths  of  the  North  American  Indian.  The  speaker  at  one 
time  witnessed  a ceremony  in  a Moqui  village  that  lasted  four  days, 
including  one  day  of  feasting.  A constant  succession  of  nude 
figures  with  highly  colored  faces  formed  a marked  feature  of  all  the 
ceremonies.  He  saw  different  colored  sands,  meal,  corn,  and  peb- 
bles used  in  many  ways  in  connection  with  the  incantations  of  the 
Shaman,  which  were  performed,  as  the  speaker  believed,  to  the  end 
that  rain  and  abundant  crops  might  follow.  The  falling  rain  was 
represented  by  sprinkling  the  floor  of  the  estufa.  Among  the 
Utes  and  Shoshones  fully  one-half  of  the  nights,  during  six  months 
of  the  year,  is  taken  up  with  ceremonial  gatherings  and  the  rela- 
tion of  myths. 

Col.  Mallery  said  that  he  found  in  Thomas  V.  Keam’s  Cata- 
logue of  Relics  of  the  Ancient  Builders  of  the  Southwest  Table 
Lands,  a somewhat  different  arrangement  of  colors  in  symbolizing 
the  cardinal  points  from  that  observed  by  Dr.  Matthews : White, 
signified  north ; yellow,  the  east : red,  the  south ; and  blue,  the 
west. 


Ninety-Fifth  Regular  Meeting,  April  21,  1885. 

Major  J.  W.  Powell,  President,  in  the  Chair. 

The  Secretary  of  the  Council  announced  the  election  of  Prof.  A. 
H.  Thompson,  of  the  Geological  Survey,  and  Mr.  Charles  N. 
Adams,  of  the  Civil  Service  Commission,  as  active  members  of  the 
Society ; and  informed  the  Society  of  the  death  of  Dr.  Harrison 
Wright,  on  February  20,  1885,  at  Wilkes  Barre,  Pa.,  and  Col.  P. 
W.  Norris,  on  Jan.  14,  1885,  at  Rockland,  Ky.,  corresponding 
members  of  the  Society.  Appropriate  remarks  upon  the  death  of 
Col.  Norris  were  made  by  President  Powell,  followed  by  Col.  Mal- 
lery, who  delivered  a brief  eulogy  upon  Dr.  Wright. 


142 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


Mr.  H.W.  Henshaw  read  a paper  entitled  “Medicine  Stones.”  * 

DISCUSSION. 

Col.  Mallery,  referring  to  the  evidence  presented  in  the  paper, 
that  the  objects  generally  classed  as  sinkers  were  used  as  ceremonial 
stones  and  amulets,  remarked  that  amulets  and  fetiches  had  often 
been  adopted  from  utensils  and  objects  connected  with  daily  life. 
He  gave  instances  specially  connected  with  the  fish — commonly 
appearing  towards  the  third  century  as  an  emblem  of  Christ,  but 
derived  from  the  worship  of  the  Phoenician  Dagon,  and  found  still 
more  anciently  in  Egypt,  Nineveh,  and  India,  with  some  relation 
to  the  productive  powers  of  nature.  The  lingom  stones  were  men- 
tioned in  this  connection,  also  the  bulla  and  the  form  called  from 
its  shape  vesica  (bladder)  suspended  to  the  necks  of  Roman  boys, 
which  was  succeeded  by  the  Agnus  Dei , used  in  the  same  manner. 
Without  attempting  to  trace  an  immediate  association  between 
these  objects  and  those  presented  by  Mr.  Henshaw,  his  views  are 
corroborated  by  the  fact  that  stones  similar  in  shape  and  size  have 
been  employed  from  high  antiquity  in  many  parts  of  the  world  for 
superstitious  purposes,  and  that  therefore  it  is  unphilosophical  to 
insist  upon  their  exclusive  design  for  mechanical  or  industrial  uses 
among  the  tribes  of  North  America,  which  are  known  to  have  uni- 
versally been  addicted  to  amuletism.  Without  any  elaboration  of 
symbolism  the  selection  of  the  form  might  readily  have  been 
derived  from  the  idea  of  “luck”  connected  with,  sinkers  used  on 
some  special  occasions. 

Mr.  Dorsey,  referring  to  what  Mr.  Henshaw  had  said  about  the 
“ Medicine  Stones  ” and  the  down  from  the  breast  of  a white  goose, 
remarked  that  he  had  noticed  among  the  Omahas,  Kansas,  and  cog- 
nate tribes,  some  of  the  uses  of  this  down  from  the  white  goose,  and 
that  in  the  gens  or  clan  of  the  Earth-lodge  Makers  in  the  Omaha 
and  Kansas  tribes  there  were  “ White  Goose  (or  Swan)  people.” 
In  the  Omaha  gens  referred  to  there  are  also  Keepers  of  the  Sacred 
Stones  (or  Mysterious  Stones.) 

He  then  gave  a part  of  the  traditon  of  the  Sacred  Pipes  to  the 
Omaha  gentes : “ The  Earth-lodge  people  were  visited  by  the 
seven  old  men  bearing  the  pipes.  When  the  gentes  were  finally  or- 
ganized half  of  these  people  were  bad,  and  half  were  good.  The 


* Published  in  American  Journal  of  Archaeology.  I.  Pp.  105— 1 14. 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


143 


bad  ones  had  some  stones  at  the  front  of  their  lodge,  and  they 
colored  them  as  well  as  their  own  hair,  orange -red  (zhee.)  They 
wore  the  down  of  the  white  goose  (or  swan)  in  their  hair,  and 
branches  of  cedar  around  their  heads,  being  frightful  to  behold. 
So  the  old  men  passed  to  the  good  ones,  to  whom  they  gave  one  of 
the  pipes.”  According  to  Joseph  La  Fleche  and  Two  Crows,  there 
are  four  of  the  sacred  stones,  their  colors  being  black,  red,  yellow, 
and  blue.  (One  tradition  is  that  the  stones  were  made  by  the 
Coyote  in'  ancient  times,  to  be  used  for  conjuring  enemies.)  In 
the  Osage  tradition,  the  four  kinds  of  stone  found  at  the  first,  were 
white,  black,  red,  and  blue  (or  green.) 

In  reply  to  a question  put  by  the  President,  Mr.  Dorsey  said  that 
among  the  Dakotas,  Ponkas,  and  other  related  tribes,  there  was  a 
worship  paid  to  boulders  found  on  the  prairies,  these  being  regarded 
as  representatives  of  the  Earth-god.  When  an  Indian  met  one  of 
them,  he  addressed  it  as  “Grandfather,”  the  same  term  that  is 
applied  by  many  tribes  to  the  President  of  the  United  States 
(wrongly  translated  the  “ Great  Father.  ’ ’)  This  term,  Grandfather, 
is  applied  to  supernatural  beings.  On  addressing  such  a boulder, 
the  Indian  laid  on  it  a small  quantity  of  tobacco  wrapped  in  a 
piece  of  cloth  or  skin,  and  then  he  smoked  his  pipe  toward  it, 
asking  the  Grandfather  to  help  him  in  his  journey  or  undertaking. 

Colonel  James  Stevenson  read  a paper  on  the  “ Mythological 
Painting  of  the  Zunis.” 

discussion. 

Col.  Mallery  presented  the  following  account  of  Yuma  cere- 
monies witnessed  at  Camp  Verde,  Arizona,  as  related  by  Dr.  W. 
H.  Corbusier,  U.  S.  A.  : “All  the  medicine-men  meet  occasion- 
ally, and  with  considerable  ceremony  make  medicine.  They  went 
through  the  performance  early  in  the  summer  of  1874,  on  the 
Reservation,  for  the  purpose  of  averting  the  diseases  with  which 
the  Indians  were  afflicted  the  summer  previous.  In  the  middle  of 
one  of  the  villages  they  made  a round  ramada — or  house  of  boughs — 
some  ten  feet  in  diameter,  and  under  it  on  the  sand,  illustrated  the 
spirit-land,'  in  a picture  about  seven  feet  across,  made  in  colors  by 
sprinkling  powdered  leaves  and  grass,  red  clay,  charcoal,  and  ashes 
on  the  smoothed  sand.  In  the  centre  was  a round  spot  of  red  clay 
about  ten  inches  in  diameter,  and  around  it  several  successive  rings 


144 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


of  green  and  red  alternately,  each  ring  being  an  inch  and  a half 
wide ; projecting  from  the  outer  ring,  were  four  somewhat  triangu- 
lar shaped  figures,  each  one  of  which  corresponded  to  one  of  the 
cardinal  points  of  the  compass,  giving  the  whole  the  appearance  of 
a Maltese  cross.  Around  this  cross  and  between  its  arms  were  the 
figures  of  men  with  their  feet  toward  the  center — some  made  of 
charcoal  with  ashes  for  eyes  and  hair,  others  of  red  clay  and  ashes, 
etc.  These  figures  were  eight  or  nine  inches  long,  and  nearly  all 
of  them  lacked  some  part  of  the  body — some  an  arm,  others  a leg 
or  the  head.  The  medicine-men  seated  themselves  around  the  pic- 
ture, on  the  ground  in  a circle,  and  the  Indians  from  the  different 
bands  crowded  around  them,  the  old  men  squatting  close  by, 
and  the  young  men  standing  back  of  them.  After  they  had  in- 
voked the  aid  of  the  spirits,  in  a number  of  chants,  one  of  their 
number,  apparently  the  oldest,  a toothless,  gray-haired  man, 
solemnly  arose,  and,  carefully  stepping  between  the  figures  of  the 
men,  dropped  on  each  one  a pinch  of  the  yellow  powder,  which  he 
took  from  a small  buckskin  bag  which  had  been  handed  to  him. 
He  put  the  powder  on  the  heads  of  some,  on  the  chests  of  others, 
and  on  other  parts  of  the  body,  one  of  the  other  men  sometimes 
telling  him  where  to  put  it.  After  going  all  around,  skipping  three 
figures  however,  he  put  up  the  bag  and  then  went  around  again, 
and  took  from  each  figure  a large  pinch  of  powder,  taking  up  the 
yellow  powder  also,  and  in  this  way  collected  a heaping  handful. 
After  doing  this  he  stepped  back,  and  another  medicine  man  col- 
lected a handful  in  the  same  way,  others  following  him.  Some  of 
the  laymen  in  their  eagerness  to  get  some  pressed  forward,  but  were 
ordered  back.  But  after  the  medicine  men  had  supplied  themselves, 
the  ramada  was  torn  down,  and  a rush  was  made  by  men  and  boys, 
handfuls  of  the  dirt  were  grabbed  and  rubbed  on  their  bodies,  or 
carried  away.  The  women  and  children,  who  were  waiting  for  an 
invitation,  were  then  called.  They  rushed  to  the  spot  in  a crowd, 
and  grabbing  handfuls  of  dirt  tossed  it  up  in  the  air  so  that  it 
would  fall  on  them,  or  they  rubbed  their  bodies  with  it.  Mothers 
throwing  it  over  their  children  and  rubbing  it  on  their  heads. 
This  ended  the  performance. 

Mr.  Gatschet  said : The  Chiricahua  Apache  “sun  circle,”  or 
“magic  circle,”  is  constructed  for  the  purpose  of  curing  those  who 
have  been  “sun-struck,”  or  as  they  express  it,  those  who  have 
become  sick  from  the  sun. 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


145 


Conjurors  will  consent  to  construct  a circle  only  when  they  are 
called  upon  by  the  sick  person.  The  patient  must  indemnify  the 
conjurors  for  the  arrangements,  and  provide  food  for  the  Indians  who 
congregate  to  witness  the  ceremony  and  participate  in  the  dances. 
Frequently  the  sick  person  is  compelled  to  borrow  money  to  defray 
the  expenses,  and  then  he  will  kill  his  cattle  to  satisfy  the  appetite 
of  the  hungry  crowd  assisting  in  the  great  ceremony. 

The  conjurors  do  not  always  make  the  magic  circles  with  their 
own  hands.  When  they  have  it  drawn  by  others  they  walk  around 
superintending  the  work. 

A few  days  before  the  time  appointed  for  the  ceremony  the  con- 
jurors in  charge  send  out  heralds,  each  provided  with  several  sym- 
bols called  “nadu  ’hkada,”  or  “God’s  messengers.”  One  of  these 
symbols  is  left  with  every  head  man  or  chief  of  an  Apache  tribe. 
Its  purpose  is  to  direct  them  to  summon  their  men,  women,  and 
girls  to  appear  and  take  part  in  the  dances  of  the  ceremony. 

When  the  invited  arrive,  the  nadu  ’hkada  are  brought  back  by 
them  and  set  up  in  or  near  the  center  of  the  circle  during  the  per- 
formances. The  symbol  is  in  the  shape  of  a cross.  The  four 
arms  thus  point  to  the  four  cardinal  points,  and  the  feathers  at  the 
ends  of  each  arm  represent  the  birds  which  convey  to  the  con- 
jurors the  dreams  of  the  human  figures  set  up  within  the  circle. 

The  magic  ring  is  made  on  the  ground  in  a place  carefully  screened 
from  mortal  eye,  and  sometimes  covered  by  a shed  made  of  bent 
willow  rods  (called  in  Spanish  “ ramada”.)  The  circle  is  properly 
speaking  two  concentric  rings,  and  is  composed  of  colored  substances 
of  various  shades.  The  diameter  of  the  ring  is  ten  or  more  feet. 
Dry  leaves  of  various  trees  are  mostly  used  in  effecting  the  different 
shades  of  color,  and,  if  the  weather  permits,  the  conjurors  go  into 
the  mountains  to  collect  earth,  clay,,  and  colored  sand  for  the  same 
purpose.  The  clay  being  the  same  as  that  used  for  body  paint. 

The  inner  ring  of  the  circle  is  called  bas  or  nibas  (round).  The 
rim  of  the  circles  does  not  follow  the  line  of  a true  circle  but  shows 
sallies  and  angles.  The  spaces  in  the  angles  are  frequently  col- 
ored. These  colors  when  not  of  mineral  substance  are  made  by 
drying  leaves  in  the  fire  and  grinding  them  to  powder.  The  angles 
or  corners  in  the  circle  represent  rays  of  the  sun  and  the  whole  cir- 
cle is  an  image  of  the  sun.  The  effigies  of  four  men,  each  painted 
with  a different  clay  color  are  placed  on  the  inside  of  the  circle ; 
they  are  called  “ God’s  people,”  or  “divine  people,”  and  repre- 
io 


146 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


sent  genii  that  can  only  be  seen  by  the  conjurers  in  their  dreams. 
They  stand  on  one  leg  only,  the  other  leg  being  wrapped  around  the 
one  on  which  they  stand.  This  helps,  it  is  said,  to  remain  on  their 
legs  longer  than  by  standing  in  any  other  way,  since  one  leg  adds 
strength  to  the  other.  On  their  heads  they  carry  an  ornament  re- 
sembling two  horns,  which  are  in  fact,  as  the  name  has  it,  two  hats. 
The  men  represented  by  these  effigies  are  supposed  to  dream  and  to 
convey  the  import  of  their  dreams  to  the  conjurors  by  means  of 
birds  called  “ God’s  messengers,”  each  bird  having  the  same  colors 
as  the  effigies. 

The  effigy  of  the  black  man  lies  behind  some  black  rays  of  the 
circle  and  is  supposed  to  have  charge  of  the  whole  ceremony.  The 
effigy  of  the  blue  man  stands  at  the  end  of  blue  rays.  The  effigy 
of  the  yellow  man  is  at  the  end  of  yellow  rays;  and  the  white 
effigy  at 'the  end  of  white  rays. 

Before  each  of  these  effigies  a sort  of  standard  (nada)  is  stuck 
up — about  six  feet  high.  They  are  carried  about  in  the  dances  and 
their  purpose  is,  as  alleged,  the  same  as  our  lightning-rods.  They 
say  the  nadnai  insure  getting  good  health  while  dancing.  The 
chief  part  of  Indian  religious  ceremonies  consist  in  dances  which 
commence  at  sundown  and  continue  till  sunrise,  with  only  three 
interruptions  for  meals.  The  dances  take  place  at  some  distance 
from  the  magic  circle  and  about  a central  fire.  Near  this  fire  may 
be  seen  the  pile  of  firewood  provided  for  the  occasion,  and  on  an- 
other side  a group  consisting  of  conjurors  and  men  of  the  tribe. 
Close  to  the  fire  are  the  groups  of  dancers,  male  and  female.  In 
dancing  they  do  not  move  about  but  skip  up  and  down — a mode  of 
dancing  common  to  all  Indians  of  North  America.  Smaller  fires 
are  blazing  in  a circle  around  and  at  some  distance  from  the  cen- 
tral fire.  About  these  fires  are  gathered  the  people,  old  and  young, 
while  back  of  them  are  standing  the  horses  that  brought  them -to 
the  ceremony. 

Dances  begin  when  the  leading  conjuror  begins  a song.  At  each 
new  song  a girl  starts  from  one  of  the  fires  and  directs  her  steps 
toward  the  males  standing  in  the  central  group.  She  gently  touches 
one  man’s  shoulder  and  then  returns  to  her  family  at  the  fire.  This 
pantomime  indicates  a sentiment  of  love  and  is  at  the  same  time  an 
invitation  to  the  dance,  which  is  responded  to  within  a short  time 
by  the  lucky  young  man,  who  is  careful  not  to  meet  the  looks  of 
the  girl’s  mother. 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY.  147 

The  ending  of  the  ceremony  is  similar  to  that  described  in  the 
Yuma  ceremonies. 

The  cardinal  points  are  symbolized  among  the  Apaches  thus : 
East — Black. 

South— White 
West — Yellow. 

North — Blue. 

The  sun  in  the  east  is  called  the  “ black  sun.”  A wind  gust  or 
tornado  is  also  called  “black.” 


Ninety-Sixth  Regular  Meeting,  May  5,  1885. 

Vice-President  Col.  Garrick  Mallery,  U.  S.  A.,  in  the  Chair. 

The  Secretary  of  the  Council  announced  the  election  of  Hon. 
W.  B.  Snell,  Justice  of  the  Police  Court,  and  Mr.  L.  J.  Hatch,  of 
the  Bureau  of  Engraving  and  Printing,  as  active  members  of  the 
Society,  and  informed  the  Society  that  the  Council  had  determined 
to  print  Vol.  Ill  of  the  Transactions  of  the  Society. 

Col.  F.  A.  Seely  read  a paper  entitled  “The  Genesis  of 
Inventions.” 

During  the  past  few  years  unusual  attention  has  been  directed  to 
the  study  of  human  inventions.  The  close  relations  between  the 
amelioration  of  man’s  condition  and  the  improvement  of  his  me- 
chanic arts  have  led  to  the  consideration  of  the  subject  as  one  in 
which  social  science  is  concerned.  It  has  been  observed  that  insti- 
tutions of  every  character — languages,  laws,  customs,  philosophies, 
and  beliefs — have  been  largely,  if  not  wholly,  the  product  of  in- 
vention of  somewhat  the  same  character  as  that  which  has  produced 
tools  and  machines.  The  term  invention  has  acquired  a broader 
scope,  and  includes  every  subject  on  which  human  thought  and  in- 
genuity and  fancy  may  exercise  themselves.  Its  study  is  therefore 
of  no  little  consequence.  It  is  no  longer  limited  to  the  field  of 
mere  mechanics  and  physics,  but  embraces  all  that  concerns  what- 
ever has  been  devised  by  men  to  satisfy  the  material  and  moral 
needs,  either  of  the  individual  or  of  the  mass  in  their  various  social 
relations.  I propose  to  inquire  what  are  the  processes  by  which  in- 
ventions are  produced ; what  influences  lead  to  them ; what  laws, 


148 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


if  any,  they  follow ; and  what  results,  immediate  and  ultimate, 
flow  from  them.  I conceive  that  these  inquiries  are  best  pursued  in 
connection  with  mechanical  inventions.  A parallel  inquiry  might 
be  pursued  in  respect  to  inventions  in  the  broader  sense.  In  fact 
the  study  of  savage  society  is,  to  a certain  extent,  such  an  inquiry. 

Before  proceeding  to  the  consideration  of  the  subject,  it  is  im- 
portant to  call  attention  to  the  various  meanings  and  shades  of 
meaning  of  the  word  invention , which  we  have  such  constant  occa- 
sion to  employ.  A late  writer  on  Patent  Law*  refers  to  this  in  his 
opening  chapter  as  a source  of  much  confusion,  since,  as  he  remarks, 
it  is  not  uncommon  to  find  the  word  used  in  different  senses  in  the 
same  paragraph,  even  in  the  same  sentence.  He  distinguishes  four 
meanings  of  the  word  : 

(1)  The  mental  act  of  inventing. 

(2)  The  thing  invented. 

(3)  The  fact  that  an  invention  has  been  made. 

(4)  The  faculty  or  quality  of  invention. 

It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  illustrate  these  significations,  since  on 
a little  reflection  they  become  apparent.  We  may  say  of  the  sew- 
ing machine,  it  was  the  invention  of  Howe , referring  to  the  mental 
process  which  produced  it ; we  may  say  it  is  a great  or  useful  inven- 
tion, meaning  the  machine  itself ; we  may  say  the  invention  of  it 
revolutionized  the  manufacture  of  clothing,  in  which  we  mean  the  fact 
that  it  was  made ; and  we  may  say  of  any  particular  form  presented 
to  us,  there  is  no  invention  in  it  over  some  earlier  form,  in  which  we 
refer  to  the  quality  of  invention  as  distinguished  alike  from  the 
mental  act,  the  concrete  product,  and  the  historical  fact.  In  view 
of  all  these  uses  of  the  word  and  not  to  overload  it  further,  I shall 
venture  to  suggest  a new  one  to  designate  the  study  of  invention. 
This  study  has  not  yet  perhaps  developed  itself  as  a true  science, 
though  it  appears  to  possess  all  the  elements  of  a science.  As 
a study  of  growing  interest  it  is  worthy  of  a name  of  its  own, 
and,  with  all  deference,  I submit  to  the  Society,  as  an  appro- 
priate name  worthy  of  adoption  the  word  Eurematics.  f This 
should  include  the  study  not  of  arts,  machines,  laws  or  insti- 

*Merwin.  Patentability  of  Inventions.  Boston.  1883. 
t E'upqpa,  An  invention.  If  the  Greeks  had  been  in  the  habit  of  philoso- 
phizing about  inventions,  they  would  have  had  an  adjective,  ‘eupripdruos,  and 
the  word  would  have  found  its  place  in  English  long  ago,  as  has  eureka. 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


149 


tutions  in  themselves,  but  of  them  all  in  respect  to  their  methods 
of  growth  and  the  means  by  which  they  have  been  developed 
and  are  still  developing.  This  is  a study  which  many  are  pur- 
suing with  eagerness  and  delight ; and  the  need  of  a name  for  it 
clearly  separating  it  from  other  kindred  studies  is  every  day  more 
apparent. 

It  is  my  purpose  to  present  in  this  paper  a brief  chapter  in  this 
science,  following  out  and  perhaps  to  some  extent  repeating  some  of 
the  thoughts  expressed  in  a paper  presented  to  the  Society  two  years 
ago,*  in  which  I discussed  the  nature  of  the  earliest  human  inven- 
tions, the  original  germs  out  of  which  they  grew,  and  the  steps  and 
processes  by  which  they  were  evolved  or  elaborated.  Speculative 
as  some  of  my  suggestions  may  have  been  as  to  the  nature  of  these 
primitive  inventions,  nevertheless  the  nature  of  the  processes  by 
which  they  were  made  is  so  inherent  in  all  arts  that  it  cannot 
be  regarded  as  in  any  degree  speculative.  Possibly  the  inven- 
tions pointed  out  were  not  actually  the  first  contrived  by  man,  but 
whatever  were  the  first,  the  way  described  is  beyond  doubt  the  way 
in  which  they  were  arrived  at. 

I propose  in  the  course  of  this  paper  to  discuss  the  development 
of  the  stone  hatchet  in  its  most  finished  form ; but  before  doing  so 
it  is  necessary  to  inquire  into  the  nature  of  invention  and  some  of 
the  general  principles  it  follows.  Lying  absolutely  at  the  bottom  of 
such  principles  are  the  following  postulates,,  the  A B C of  Eurematics : 
Given  any  artificial  implement  or  product,  we  must  assume — ist, 
that  there  was  a time  when  it  did  not  exist;  2d,  that  before  it  existed 
there  must  have  been  a creature  capable  of  producing  it;  and  3d,  that 
such  creature  before  producing  it  must  have  been  conscious  of  needing 
it , or  must  have  had  use  for  it. 

There  can  be  no  orderly  discussion  of  the  genesis  of  any  art 
without  recognizing  the  truth  of  these  postulates  at  every  step. 
Questions  may  arise  upon  resultant  or  collateral  propositions,  but, 
admitting  all  that  can  possibly  be  claimed  for  accident  as  an  ele- 
ment in  invention,  these  propositions  are  not  to  be  questioned. 
They  are  fundamental,  and  no  logical  consequences  that  flow  from 
them  can  be  evaded. 

The  first  proposition,  that  before  any  artificial  product  existed 


*An  Inquiry  into  the  Origin  of  Invention.  Vol.  II,  Trans.  Anthrop.  Soc., 
Washington.  1883. 


150 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


there  was  a time  when  it  did  not  exist,  is  not  startling,  and  may  be 
passed  over  for  the  second : before  it  existed  there  was  a creature 
capable  of  producing  it.  This  is  as  much  as  saying  that  no  product 
of  art  came  into  existence  simultaneously  with  its  producer,  and 
seems  to  be  no  more  startling  a proposition  than  the  first ; and  yet, 
if  I rightly  interpret'  the  ideas  of  most  writers,  they  have  failed 
to  grasp  even  so  common-place  a truth. 

The  third  proposition,  that  the  producer  must  have  been  conscious 
of  needing  the  product,  or  must  have  had  use  for  it  before  producing 
it,  is  not  at  first  sight  so  obvious.  In  fact  I believe  the  failure  to 
grasp  this  truth  is  a great  source  of  error  and  misconception  among 
many  writers.  No  one,  however,  who  has  given  any  thought  to 
the  nature  of  invention,  has  failed  to  observe  that  every  step  in  the 
mechanic  arts  has  grown  out  of  a pre-existing  want.  Not  neces- 
sarily out  of  a pressing  need.  Invention  now-a-days  does  not  wait 
for  the  call  to  be  so  urgent  that  waiting  can  be  no  longer.  Long 
before  this  stage  necessities  are  anticipated,  and  the  means  by  which 
they  are  overcome  often  do  not  become  indispensable  till  the  very 
habits  they  engender  make  them  so.  Illustrations  of  this  are  all 
around  us.  The  sewing  machine,  the  reaper,  the  telephone — what 
could  we  do  without  them  ? And  yet  in  our  own  generation  we 
have  done  without  them  all.  They  have  themselves  created  the 
conditions  which  have  made  them  indispensable.  But  none  of  them 
came  by  accident.  They  have  been,  every  one,  the  fruit  of  years 
of  toil  and  thought  and  anxiety  on  the  part  of  those  who  saw,  what 
few  clearly  comprehended,  the  imperfection  of  the  means  employed 
to  do  the  daily  work  of  mankind,  and  studied  to  produce  better 
means.  This  is  the  history  of  steam,  of  electricity,  of  railroads, 
of  metal  working,  of  pottery,  of  every  art  that  has  a recorded  his- 
tory. Prevision  and  calculation  are  so  truly  elements  in  the  growth 
of  all  known  arts  that  in  asserting  their  universality  we  incur  no 
more  risk  than  did  Newton  in  asserting  the  law  of  gravitation. 

What  then,  it  may  be  asked,  is  the  place  due  to  accident  in  inven- 
tion? Notwithstanding  a popular  belief  that  many  if  not  most  of 
the  great  inventions  have  been  the  fruit  of  accident,  it  may  be 
asserted  that  the  contrary  is  true.  Fortuitous  circumstances,  trifling 
unforeseen  incidents,  have  in  many  cases  doubtless  suggested  expe- 
dients which  have  led  to  the  consummation  of  great  inventions. 
It  was  an  accident — the  result  of  his  poverty — which  led  Senefelder 
to  write  on  a stone  slab  his  family  wash-bill,  and  so  led  to  the  inven- 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


151 


tion  of  the  lithographic  process;  but  the  accident  did  not  occur, 
and  could  not,  till  long  and  persevering  pursuit  of  a method  of 
printing  cheap  music  had  brought  together  the  polished  stone,  the 
ink,  the  acid, — all  the  materials  necessary  to  accomplish  the  result. 
Possibly  it  was  an  accident  which  led  Goodyear  to  the  use  of  sulphur 
for  the  vulcanization  of  India  rubber;  but  the  accident,  if  such  it 
were,  did  not  occur  till  years  of  expense  and  toil  and  experiment 
with  a great  variety  of  materials  had  led  the  way  to  it.  And  the 
rubber  and  the  sulphur  and  all  the  appliances  necessary  for  the  ex- 
periment were  ready  to  his  hand,  all  accumulated  in  the  pursuit  of 
his  lifelong  purpose.  Such  experiences  are  common,  and  familiar 
illustrations  of  them  are  found,  as  for  instance,  in  the  lives  of  Pal- 
issy,  the  Huguenot  potter,  and  William  Lee,  the  inventor  of  the 
stocking  loom.  In  these  the  element  of  accident  enters  in  some 
degree  into  the  consummation  of  the  invention;  but  in  every  case  it 
is  such  accident  as  might  have  occurred  a thousand  times  over  with- 
out result  to  other  men  whose  minds  were  not  intent  upon  the  inven- 
tion. Lamps  had  swung  for  centuries  in  the  Italian  cathedrals, 
and  men  had  idly  counted  their  oscillations  as  they  kept  time  to  the 
tedious  delivery  of  generations  of  dull  sermons ; but  the  isochronism 
of  their  swing,  if  observed  at  all,  was  not  regarded  till  Galileo 
came. 

The  true  and  only  field  that  philosophy  can  concede  to  accident 
in  invention  is  that  it  supplements  and  sometimes  abridges  the 
labor,  calculation,  and  time  of  the  inventor.  To  a man  filled  with 
a steadfast  purpose,  all  his  senses  alert  to  every  means  chance  or 
calculation  may  present  to  accomplish  it,  the  most  trifling  incident 
may  furnish  the  clue,  which  has  fled  from  him  like  an  ignis  fatuus. 
To  another  the  same  chances  may  come  and  go  continually  without 
result.  And  while  it  cannot  be  said  that  accident  has  no  place  in 
invention,  it  must  be  conceded  that  its  place  is  completely  subordi- 
nate to  other  elements.  Great  inventions  have  been  the  fruit 
of  accident  in  the  same  sense  and  to  the  same  degree  that  a 
ripened  peach  is  the  fruit  of  the  rude  blast  that  shakes  it  from  the 
bough. 

It  is  important  in  a discussion  like  this  to  keep  clearly  in  mind 
the  difference  between  invention  proper  and  discovery.  The 
function  of  the  latter  is  to  bring  to  light  the  material  facts,  and  the 
natural  laws,  which  the  former  applies  to  useful  purposes ; and  in 
respect  to  discovery,  the  element  of  chance,  of  accident,  is  im- 


152 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


portant.  The  progress  of  scientific  discovery  is  marked  at  every 
milestone  by  the  revelations  of  accidents,  which  the  thoughtful 
mind  of  the  inventor  did  not  apply  to  practical  ends  till  long  after- 
wards, when  the  need  had  arisen.  If  it  was  an  accident  that  led 
Galileo  to  the  discovery  of  the  isochronous  oscillation  of  the  pen- 
dulum, it  was  not  till  fifty  years  afterwards  that  this  discovery  was 
applied  to  regulate  the  movement  of  a clock.  The  phenomena  of 
electricity  that  accident  may  have  revealed  to  Galvani  and  Volta, 
are  the  basis  of  inventions  that  the  most  active  minds  of  this  decade 
are  expending  their  best  energies  upon.  It  cannot  be  denied  that 
in  discovery  accident  has  played  an  important  part ; but  the  more 
this  fact  is  considered,  and  the  more  we  consider  the  true  function 
of  discovery,  the  more  strongly  do  we  find  the  proposition  con- 
firmed that  improvements  in  the  arts  are  not  the  result  of  chance 
but  of  intelligent  efforts  to  supply  conscious  needs.  Hence  I shall 
regard  this  proposition  as  conceded,  and  I pass  to  another. 

(4)  Every  human  invention  has  sprung  from  some  prior  invention 
or  from  some  prior  known  expedient.  Inventions  do  not,  like  their 
protectress,  Pallas  Athene,  spring  forth  full  grown  from  the  heads  of 
their  authors.  This  suggestion  needs  no  argument  when  made  re- 
garding any  of  the  modern  inventions.  Every  one  of  them  is  seen 
by  the  most  superficial  observer  to  be  built  upon  or  elaborated  out 
of  inventions  and  expedients  previously  in  use.  It  is  only  when 
we  go  back  of  these  and  study  the  expedients  and  appliances  out  of 
which  they  have  grown,  and  whose  history  is  unrecorded,  that  the 
proposition  I contend  for  is  not  obvious.  And  yet  there  is  not  a 
single  one  of  them  which  does  not  when  studied  exhibit  in  itself 
the  evidences  of  a similar  substructure.  In  the  process  of  elimina- 
tion we  go  back  and  back,  and  find  no  resting  place  till  we  reach 
the  rude  set  of  expedients,  the  original  endowment  of  men  and 
brutes  alike.  This  is  a truth  which  study  more  and  more  confirms, 
and  from  it  the  proposition  stated  may  be  deduced  as  one  of  the 
laws  of  invention. 

It  may  be  deduced  as  a corollary  to  this  proposition,  but  at  the 
same  time  a fact  determinable  by  independent  observation,  that  the 
generation  of  one  invention  from  another  is  not  immediate  but 
always  through  one  or  more  intermediate  steps. ' The  effect  of  every 
invention  fundamental  in  its  character  is  first  to  generate  wants  be- 
fore unknown  or  unfelt.  The  effort  to  supply  these  wants  leads  to 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


153 


new  inventions.*  These  may  be  quite  distinct  in  their  character 
from  the  original  invention  to  which  they  indirectly  owe  their  origin. 
They  are  related  to  it  only  as  means  to  supply  some  want  to  which 
it  has  given  birth.  I shall  not  pursue  this  branch  of  the  subject. 
Illustrations  will  occur  to  all.  There  is  hardly  a branch  of  industry 
that  has  not  felt  the  effect  of  inventions  based  upon  wants  created 
by  the  introduction  of  petroleum,  or  the  general  use  of  the  tele- 
phone. Wood-working,  mining,  transportation  by  land  and  sea — 
all  the  avocations  of  men — have  felt  their  influence,  have  found 
wants  engendered  by  their  use,  and  improvements  have  been  made 
* to  meet  these  wants.  The  wants  of  primitive  man  were  limited, 
and  his  inventions  were  accordingly  few.  As  wants  increased  in 
number  and  intensity,  inventions  multiplied,  and  the  numberless 
wants  of  modern  civilized  life  are  only  paralleled  by  its  numberless 
arts  and  expedients. 

I set  it  down  as  a fifth  proposition : Inventions  always  generate 
wants , and  these  wants  generate  other  inventions. 

A sixth  proposition  is  that  the  invention  of  tools  and  implements  pro- 
ceeds by  specialization.  This  is  true  to  a certain  extent  of  all  arts, 
though  perhaps  not  a universal  truth  regarding  all  invention.  It 
results,  as  will  be  apparent  on  reflection,  from  the  last  proposition. 
A single  tool  may  have  a great  variety  of  uses,  but,  if  there  is  a suffi- 
cient requirement,  men  will  not  long  be  contented  with  one  tool  for 
those  uses  for  which  it  is  least  convenient.  'It  will  be  reserved  for 
that  to  which  it  is  best  adapted,  and  other  forms  will  be  devised 
better  suited  for  special  uses ; possibly  the  parent  type  may  be  found 
inferior  for  all  uses  to  some  of  its  modified  forms,  and  it  may,  on 
the  principle  of  the  survival  of  the  fittest,  become  obsolete.  Look 
at  the  variety  of  tools  on  a joiner’s  bench,  chisels,  planes,  saws, 
each  especially  adapted  for  its  particular  work,  but  all  pointing 
back  to  a time  when  there  was  but  one  form  of  chisel,  or  plane,  or 
saw.  The  “jack-plane  ” and  “ long-jointer  ” may  each  be  made  to 
perform  the  work  of  the  other,  but  they  do  it  very  imperfectly. 
The  primitive  bench  plane  was  like  neither,  but  was  the  type  of 

* A curious  instance  of  this  is  brought  to  my  attention  while  writing  this  paper. 
In  consequence  of  the  expiration  of  the  earlier  patents  on  roller-skates,  a great 
impetus  has  been  given  to  their  manufacture,  the  result  being  the  exhaustion  of 
the  world’s  stock  of  boxwood  of  certain  sizes  used  for  rollers.  And  to  supply 
the  want  so  created  hundreds  of  people  are  trying  to  invent  a suitable  and  cheap 
substitute  for  boxwood  for  this  purpose. 


154 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


both.  There  is  nothing  more  striking  than  the  variety  of  cutlery 
on  a well-furnished  table.  The  time  is  not  remote  when  one  knife 
worn  at  the  belt  served  the  purpose  of  all  these,  so  far  as  these  pur- 
poses existed,  and  of  many  others;  when  the  table  knife  was  not 
differentiated  from  the  dagger  of  the  soldier  or  the  tool  of  the 
artisan.  A man  then  used  one  knife  to  cut  out  a leather  sole,  to  shape 
his  arrow,  to  carve  his  food,  and  to  stab  his  enemy.  Changes  in 
modes  of  living  have  led  first  to  the  broader  specializations ; fashion, 
caprice,  and  increasing  refinement  to  others ; till  one  scarcely  dares 
attempt  to  enumerate  the  various  forms  of  carvers  and  table  knives 
of  various  sorts  differing  in  form  and  material,  each  adapted  by 
some  feature  for  its  particular  use,  and  each  the  result  of  some 
degree  of»  invention,  with  which  the  tables  of  Europe  and  America 
are  furnished.  Undoubtedly  this  process  has  gone  on  ever  since 
man  became  an  inventor,  and  might  be  illustrated  as  perfectly, 
though  not  so  profusely,  in  the  implements  and  weapons  of  the 
savage  as  in  those  of  civilized  men.  All  study  of  invention  must 
take  account  of  it.  As  soon  as  men  began  to  adapt  sticks  to  their 
use  by  artificially  pointing  them  they  began  to  find  in  them  various 
degrees  of  hardness,  weight,  length,  and  rigidity,  qualities  fitting 
them  for  diverse  uses,  and  as  skill  and  experience  were  acquired 
they  fashioned  them  accordingly.  Likewise  when  man  had  begun 
to  employ  flint  flakes,  and  before  he  had  learned  to  fashion  them 
to  his  will,  he  selected  from  the  splinters  made  by  accident  or  by 
his  own  unskilled  blows  those  which  served  best  such  diversified 
uses  as  he  had  found  out. 

My  seventh  proposition,  and  final  one  so  far  as  this  paper  is  con- 
cerned, is  that  no  art  makes  progress  alone.  I venture  to  assert  the 
universality  of  this  truth  from  what  is  seen  in  the  recorded  history 
of  all  inventions.  In  the  development  of  the  mechanic  arts,  two  or 
more  arts  distinct  in  their  nature  but  having  close  interdependence 
make  advance  pari  passu.  If  one  lags  the  other  is  necessarily 
retarded.  If  one  makes  rapid  progress  the  other  springs  forward  with 
quickened  impulses.  An  improved  utensil  or  article  of  manufacture 
may  be  the  result  of  or  may  lead  to  improved  processes  and  tools  and 
machines  for  producing  it,  or  to  improved  means  for  its  employ- 
ment. The  progress  of  the  steam-engine  was  long  retarded  by  the 
imperfection  of  iron-working  machines,  since  perfect  cylinders  could 
not  be  produced.  The  progress  of  electrical  invention  has  neces- 
sitated the  invention  of  new  machines  and  processes  for  insulating 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


155 


wire.  The  introduction  of  illuminating  gas  has  created  a demand 
for  metal  tubing,  and  machines  for  its  rapid  and  perfect  manufac- 
ture. And  so  every  step  in  every  art  is  marked  by  one  or  more 
corresponding  steps  in  other  arts. 

These  general  principles,  imperfectly  stated  as  they  are,  by  no 
means  exhaust  the  study  of  invention.  They  only  lie  at  its  thresh- 
hold.  They  are  among  the  more  obvious  laws  which  inventions 
follow  as  they  are  every  day  presented  to  the  mind  of  those  who  deal 
with  them:  so  obvious,  that  I have  found  myself  hesitating  as  to  the 
value  of  their  presentation  in  this  form ; a hesitation  which  is  removed 
by  observing  that,  so  far  as  writers  upon  early  inventions  are  con- 
cerned, they  are  unnoticed  and  apparently  unknown.  Further  chap- 
ters in  Eurematics  might  be  devoted  to  the  elucidation  of  other  truths 
equally  generic  and  universal,  but  more  intricate  and  therefore  less 
obvious.  I might  cite  for  instance  the  tendency  of  civilization  to 
convert  luxuries  into  necessaries,  true  not  only  of  absolute  civiliza- 
tion but  of  every  stage  of  it  or  every  step  towards  it.  The  effect 
of  this  tendency  upon  inventions  is  marked  and  positive.  I might 
cite  the  fact  that  invention  is  stimulated  by  rewards  and  retarded 
by  opposition,  which  history  abundantly  illustrates, — eminently  the 
histories  of  France  in  the  middle  ages,  of  The  Netherlands,  of  Great 
Britain,  and  of  our  own  country.  Another  proposition  might  be 
that  the  truth  regarding  biologic  evolution — that  the  type  of  any 
species  which  is  to  predominate  is  at  its  first  appearance  uncon - 
spicuous — applies  equally  to  the  evolution  of  arts.  Many  such  propo- 
sitions more  or  less  recondite  might  be  stated,  the  adequate  discus- 
sion of  which  would  require  a volume  ; but  I can  afford  to  pass 
them  by,  as  I have  not  set  out  upon  an  exhaustive  study.  The  few 
propositions  considered  are  enough  for  the  present  purpose. 

I shall  now  discuss  the  progress  of  invention  in  a single  direction, 
partly  as  a study  in  itself,  partly  by  way  of  illustration  of  the  doc- 
trines I have  enunciated.  I have  selected  the  stone  hatchet  for 
this  purpose  because  in  some  pf  its  ruder  forms  it  represents  the 
earliest  human  workmanship  of  which  any  knowledge  has  come  to 
us,  and  also  because  in  its  rudest  form  it  presents  the  evidences  of 
being  the  fruit  of  long  antecedent  growth.  Further  than  this  I 
observe  that  primitive  as  it  indeed  is,  and  in  its  highest  develop- 
ment rude  and  ineffective  in  comparison  with  the  finished  imple- 
ment of  this  age  of  steel,  the  thoughtful  student  of  invention  sees 
in  it  the  culmination  for  the  time  being  of  human  art  rather  than 


156 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


the  beginning.  For  the  purposes  of  this  paper  I regard  nothing  less 
than  the  hafted  celt  as  the  finished  implement  whose  genesis  I shall 
attempt  to  indicate. 

I assume  as  the  starting  point  the  conclusion  reached  in  my  paper 
before  referred  to,*  that  the  earliest  mechanical  process  employed 
by  man  was  the  art  of  working  wood  by  abrasion.  This  cannot  be 
regarded  as  proven ; absolutely  proven  it  can  never  be ; but  it 
comes  in  as  a link  connecting  what  must  have  been  in  the  history 
of  primitive  man  with  what  is  revealed  to  us  regarding  the  man  of 
the  earliest  stone  age.  This  art,  or  something  closely  similar  to  it, 
appears  as  the  immediate  derivative  of  the  original  mechanical 
expedients  of  man  in  a state  of  nature,  and  of  the  wants  engendered 
by  his  human  characteristics.  Tracing  back  the  art  of  wood  work- 
ing we  find  no  resting  place  till  we  come  to  the  art  in  this  condition. 
In  short  the  more  the  subject  is  contemplated,  and  from  whatever 
point  of  view,  the  stronger  appear  the  probabilities,  so  strong  that 
to  my  own  mind  they  are  convincing.  Starting  from  this  basis, 
what  was  the  process,  what  the  result  sought,  what  the  methods 
employed  to  produce  it? 

The  object  sought  for  was  a pike,  a strong,  rigid,  sharp-pointed 
stick  or  shaft  adapted  for  use  as  an  offensive  and  defensive  weapon, 
a want  early  felt  and  hitherto  imperfectly  supplied  by  chance  and 
nature.  The  means  employed  was  a rough  rock,  a coarse  sand- 
stone or  mill-stone-grit  upon  whose  exposed  surface  the  wood  was 
rubbed  or  drawn  back  and  forth  until  reduced  as  desired.  A tedious 
process,  but  not  more  so  than  many  of  those  employed  to  this  day 
in  the  arts  of  savage  life.  We  can  imagine  men  coming  from  great 
distances  to  the  inventor  of  this  art  with  poles  on  their  shoulders  to 
be  prepared  in  the  new  style.  It  would  not  at  once  be  perceived 
that  no  special  properties  attached  to  this  particular  rock,  that  rocks 
having  similar  properties  and  perhaps  better  suited  to  the  purpose 
were  every  where.  The  mind  was  dull  in  grasping  the  essential  fact 
of  the  art,  and  perhaps  for  ages  superstition  and  fetichism  may  have 
been  engendered  by  this  very  improvement.  It  is  easy  to  see, 
however,  that  it  had  created  a new  want,  or  perhaps  intensified  the 
old  one.  Pikes  were  liable  to  be  broken,  were  subject  to  natural 
decay.  They  must  be  replaced,  and  new  ones  were  always  in  de- 
mand. Their  artificial  production  had  increased  the  number  of  their 


* An  Inquiry  into  the  Origin  of  Invention.  Vol.  II.  Trans.  Anthrop.  Soc. 
Washington.  1883. 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


157 


possessors,  and  the  want  of  a ready  means  for  the  replacement  was 
more  widely  felt.  To  the  majority  it  was  a new  want.  Hence  among 
people  widely  scattered,  more  convenient  and  accessible  means  were 
sought  for  supplying  the  demand  ; and  in  answer  to  this  want  came 
the  discovery,  perhaps  the  result  of  similar  experiences  and  obser- 
vations, that  gritty  rocks  every  where  would  yield  the  same  results 
to  similar  manipulation  by  the  hands  of  any  one.  And  a further 
discovery  followed  close  on  the  heels  of  this,  that  the  jagged  edges 
of  flints  and  other  hard  rocks  would  by  a manipulation  but  little 
varied  perform  the  work  better  and  faster  than  the  gritty  surface  of 
the  sand  stones.  A stick  drawn  forcibly  over  such  a sharp  edge 
has  its  surface  scraped  from  it  in  thin  shavings  instead  of  being 
merely  abraded  as  heretofore.  This  important  step  from  abrasion 
to  scraping,  which  is  in  fact  cutting,  was  therefore  reached  before 
any  cutting  or  abrading  tool  had  been  devised.  Reached  by  slow 
steps,  in  answer  to  a felt  want,  but  a want  in  no  way  pointing  to  it, 
it  was  actually  the  invention  of  another  and  quite  distinct  mechani- 
cal process.  It  was  a better  process,  gave  better  results,  and  the 
weapon  and  the  art  of  wood  working  made  progress  together. 

We  have  advanced  one  step,  man  now  has  the  notion  of  the  cut- 
ting edge  and  its  use.  But  it  is  part  of  an  immovable  bowlder  or 
ledge,  not  always  accessible,  and  the  want  of  a convenient  means 
always  at  hand  is  but  partially  supplied.  The  long  pilgrimages 
which  had  to  be  taken  to  the  primitive  pointer  of  pikes  were  at 
an  end,  but  the  journeys  though  shorter  still  have  to  be  made.  How 
was  the  next  step,  resulting  in  the  production  of  a portable  cut- 
ting implement,  to  be  accomplished  ? 

It  will  be  seen  at  once  that  in  the  use  for  a considerable  period 
of  the  edge  of  a rock  for  cutting  purposes  it  will  become  dulled. 
Other  parts  of  the  rock  having  exposed  edges  will  be  sought,  and 
these  will  become  dull  in  turn.  This  dulling  process  proceeds  more 
or  less  rapidly  according  to  the  material  applied  to  it ; and  as  the  • 
harder  woods  were  found  to  be  in  all  respects  more  serviceable  they 
were  more  generally  used.  We  may  conceive  that  at  some  time  by 
the  violent  application  of  a hard  piece  of  timber  to  an  edge  some- 
what thinner  than  ordinary,  the  edge  itself  instead  of  being  merely 
dulled  is  broken  off,  and  to  the  pleasant  surprise  of  the  operator  a 
new  edge,  sharp  and  clear,  and  better  than  the  half-dulled  one  he 
had  been  using,  makes  its  appearance.  And  he  eventually  learns 
that  he  can  at  any  time  produce  a new  edge  by  shivering  off  a piece 


158 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


of  the  rock  with  blows.  He  is  not  long  in  learning  that  the  part 
broken  off  has  similar  edges.  If  it  be  large  enough  to  lie  firmly  he 
can  employ  it  as  he  does  the  parent  rock.  If  smaller,  he  may  hold 
it  firmly  with  his  feet  while  he  manipulates  the  wood  upon  it  with  his 
hands.  Perhaps  he  can  carry  it  away  and  use  it  at  the  place  most 
convenient  to  him;  when  dulled  he  can  shiver  it  by  a blow  or  two 
* and  it  is  sharp  again.  And  then  at  last  by  slow  degrees,  requiring 
ages  perhaps,  one  can  hardly  tell  how,  but  by  the  continuance  of  this 
process,  he  observes  that  these  splinters  struck  from  the  fragment, 
these  fragments  of  fragments,  possess  the  same  cutting  edges  as  the 
original  rock,  and  in  a bit  of  stone  not  larger  than  his  hand  or  his 
finger  he  possesses  an  instrumentality  capable  of  doing  all  that  he 
and  his  ancestors  have  been  laboriously  doing  on  the  parent  rock 
or  clumsy  fragment.  He  learns  also  that  instead  of  dragging  the 
wood  over  the  edge,  he  can,  with  a totally  different  manipulation, 
hold  the  wood  firmly  and  operate  on  it  with  the  stone  splinter,  and 
the  tool  is  invented.* 

When  I think  of  man  in  his  primitive  condition,  as  the  logical 
necessities  of  this  subject  have  compelled  me  to  think  of  him,  help- 
less, miserable,  the  prey  of  beasts,  without  tools,  withouc  means  of 
defense  except  such  as  he  shared  with  the  beasts,  and  then  think  of 
him  in  the  condition  to  which  he  is  brought  in  this  outline  of  his 
inventions,  I find  it  impossible  to  adequately  express  my  sense  of 
the  progress  he  has  made.  One  effective  weapon,  its  structure  im- 
proved, and  skill  in  its  use  acquired  by  generations  of  experience, 
and  one  cutting  tool,  even  in  the  rudimentary  form  of  an  unfash- 
ioned flake,  have  separated  him  incalculably  from  the  condition  of 
his  ancestors.  His  knife  or  hatchet,  as  we  may  henceforth  call  it, 
contained  within  it  all  the  possibilities  of  the  future,  but  for  the 
present — his  present — its  capabilities  were  learned  by  constant  les- 
sons and  with  every  new  occasion.  He  had  no  want  to  which  it 
did  not  minister.  It  not  only  served  its  first  purpose  to  prepare  his 
weapon,  but  it  became  itself  a weapon.  It  served  him  to  procure 
and  prepare  his  food,  both  animal  and  vegetable,  his  shelter,  his 
raiment,  if  he  had  reached  the  stage  of  wanting  raiment.  Its 

* It  is  only  by  a loose  construction  of  language  that  this  can  be  called  the  inven- 
tion of  a tool.  The  tool,  a mere  flake  of  stone,  had  already  long  existed.  The 
actual  invention  was  an  art  or  process  quite  distinct  from  any  heretofore  employed. 
The  brief  and  more  popular  form  of  expression  may  be  employed  with  this 
explanation. 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


159 


acquisition  was  the  greatest  step  he  had  taken  in  invention ; and 
when  we  regard  what  has  grown  out  of  it,  the  infinite  variety  of 
cutting  tools,  implements,  and  machines,  whose  origin  we  remotely 
trace  to  it,  and  the  unnumbered  needs  they  supply,  we  cannot 
hesitate  to  ascribe  to  it  the  highest  place  among  all  the  inventions 
of  all  time. 

If  the  hafted  celt  was  for  the  time  the  culmination  of  art,  this  is 
not  less  true,  of  its  time,  of  the  flint  knife.  As  in  man’s  rudest 
estate  he  used  the  expedients  with  which  nature  endowed  him, 
selecting  those  best  adapted  to  his  immediate  purpose,  so  now  out 
of  the  diverse  forms  assumed  by  flakes  and  chips,  he  selects  those 
best  adapted  for  particular  purposes.  He  is  repeating  what  occurred 
in  his  earliest  period,  but  with  new  and  diversified  wants,  wider 
intelligence,  and  a greater  range  of  material  out  of  which  to  select. 
He  finds  blunt  edges  give  satisfactory  results  in  the  old  process  of 
scraping  wood,  but  he  finds  that  thinner  and  sharper  edges  pene- 
trate the  wood  deeper,  and  remove  the  superfluous  material  faster. 
He  finds  he  can  work  more  deftly,  more  conveniently,  can  put  a 
finer  point  on  his  weapon,  can  apply  the  new  tool  to  all  parts  of  it, 
can  reduce  and  trim  the  shaft  as  well  as  the  point,  can  even  sever 
the  growing  saplings  to  obtain  his  material.  He  finds  that  some 
forms  can  be  made  to  penetrate  and  divide  the  tough  skins  of  beasts, 
and  carve  their  flesh.  In  fact,  in  whatever  direction  his  necessities 
or  inclinations  lead  him,  he  finds  his  knife  in  some  form  contribut- 
ing to  his  comfort,  his  protection,  and  the  supply  of  his  wants. 
The  possession  of  the  tool  has  wrought  out  his  mastery  over  nature. 

This  culmination  in  invention  is  but  momentary.  It  is  a mile- 
stone, a breathing  place  in  the  history  of  arts.  But  the  march 
still  goes  on,  and  we  find  man  still  searching  among  fragments  for 
forms  adapted  to  his  particular  uses,  but  gradually  learning  by 
experience  that  by  well-directed  blows  he  can  sometimes  produce 
chips  having  special  forms,  and  so  fitted  for  special  uses.  But  these 
are  chips  and  flakes  only.  There  is  no  attempt  as  yet  at  dressing 
or  shaping  stone.  The  rude  forms  they  bear  when  shivered  from 
the  rock,  are  all  that  man  has  yet  conceived  in  the  structure  of  a 
stone  implement.  These  rude  forms  seldom  appear  in  our  museums. 
They  are  the  scoff  of  archaeologists.  They  are  not  distinguish- 
able from  the  work  of  the  elements.  In  fact,  the  splinters  thrown 
off  by  frost  or  fire  may  have  been  as  readily  selected  for  use  as 
those  formed  by  human  agency.  And  as  writers  have  agreed  upon 


1G0 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


the  name  palceolithic  to  indicate  the  age  marked  by  the  first 
traces  of  human  workmanship  in  stone  implements,  we  must  recog- 
nize the  protolithic  age,  in  which  stone  fragments  showing  no 
trace  of  such  workmanship  were  the  common  implements  of  man- 
kind. The  earliest  age  of  wrought  implements  could  never  have 
come  but  for  such  a precursor.  The  rudest  wrought  forms  did  not 
appear  till  something  of  the  same  nature  and  used  for  the  same  pur- 
poses, but  imperfectly  adapted  for  their  performance,  had  created 
the  need  of  them  and  led  up  to  the  means  for  its  supply,  and  the 
one  thing  which  bore  these  relations  to  the  earliest  recognizable 
forms  of  dressed -stone  implements  was  the  unformed  flake. 

What  were  the  steps  from  this  form  of  flint  knife,  or  scraper,  or 
hatchet,  to  the  hafted  celt? 

I formerly  reached  the  conclusion  that  the  original  endowment 
of  man  could  include  no  less  than  the  stick  and  stone  for  striking 
and  hurling,  and  the  string  or  withe  for  tying  or  binding.  In  the 
course  of  this  paper  I have  traced  the  synchronous  development  of 
the  art  of  dressing  wood,  and  of  stone  appliances  for  the  purpose. 
With  the  advancement  of  these  it  is  not  to  be  supposed  any  former 
art  or  expedient  was  lost.  On  the  contrary  it  is  to  be  presumed 
that  progress  in  them  had  been  made  corresponding  to  that  we  have 
been  following.  The  club  was  better  fashioned ; approved  forms 
of  hurling-sticks  may  have  been  discovered  and  come  into  use. 
Greater  skill  may  have  been  acquired  in  the  use  of  the  hammer-stone, 
and  judgment  in  the  selection  of  suitable  forms  either  for  crushing, 
or  for  splitting,  and  with  more  convenient  hand-grasp.  The  flexi- 
ble vines  and  strips  of  bark,  with  which  primitive  man  lashed  his 
frail  shelter,  his  successor  may  have  improved  by  rudely  twisting  the 
fibres  or  strands,  or  have  supplemented  by  other  materials,  notably, 
after  he  had  acquired  the  use  of  the  flint  knife,  by  strips  of  skin  and 
animal  tendons.  The  inventory  of  his  possessions  then  would 
embrace  the  club  and  pike,  each  clearly  specialized,  the  hammer- 
stone,  not  formed  by  art  but  selected,  the  stone  knife,  and  strings 
of  various  materials.  The  pike,  the  hammer  Stone  and  knife  may 
have  been  of  many  forms.  Now  it  will  be  seen  that  these  elements 
may  be  brought  together  in  various  ways  so  as  to  accomplish  a 
variety  of  results,  the  elements  in  every  case  being  a stick,  a stone, 
and  a string  to  bind  them  together,  and  the  difference  in  result  de- 
pending on  the  particular  form  of  stick  and  stone.  For  instance 
the  heavy  end  of  a club  is  made  heavier  by  lashing  to  it  a hammer 
stone — result  the  mace.  The  pike  is  improved  by  securing  to  it  a 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


161 


pointed  flake  of  flint.  A flint  flake  too  small  for  the  hand  is  made 
effective  by  fixing  it  to  a piece  of  wood,  making  a knife  or  dagger. 
A heavier  sharp-edged  fragment  secured  to  a handle  adapting  it  for 
striking,  becomes  the  axe  or  hatchet.  What  immediate  incidents 
or  needs  led  to  any  of  these  combinations,  I do  not  propose  to 
guess.  It  is  enough  to  have  shown  that  at  a period  when  man  was 
as  yet  unlearned  in  respect  to  any  dressing  of  stone  beyond  knock- 
ing off  rude  splinters  from  a rock,  he  may  have  had  in  his  posses- 
sion the  means  to  produce,  and  was  fully  capable  of  producing,  such 
implements  and  weapons  as  I have  named.  This  being  true,  the 
same  wants  which  might  at  any  period  of  his  history  have  led  to 
their  production  may  without  violence  be  presumed  to  have  done  so 
then.  They  are  in  the  line  of  his  acquired  arts,  and  the  necessary 
links  between  these  and  the  arts  he  is  yet  to  acquire. 

Whether  these  various  combinations  were  made  prior  to  actual 
working  of  flint  it  would  be  idle  to  speculate.  It  is  more  likely  that 
neither  preceded  the  other.  While  man  was  finding  out  how  to  use 
his  possessions  by  bringing  them  together  in  new  combinations,  he 
was  naturally  improving  them  all.  Having  found  the  flint  and 
other  rocks  of  similar  texture  so  far  obedient  to  his  power  that  they 
could  be  shattered,  and  new  and  useful  forms  produced,  having  ac- 
quired uses  for  these  forms,  having  learned  the  purposes  to  which  a 
sharp  edge  could  be  applied,  and  that  a fresh  one  could  be  pro- 
duced by  knocking  off  the  dulled  one — it  followed  in  due  course, 
from  experience,  to  form  the  new  edge  with  less  violent  blows,  with 
more  judgment  and  dexterity,  and,  as  the  advantage  of  special  forms 
became  apparent,  with  a view  to  bringing  it  as  close  as  possible  to 
such  forms.  And  all  this  time  the  old  art  of  reducing  by  abrasion 
had  not  been  lost;  applying  it  now  to  the  stone  as  finer  and  finer 
chipping  suggested  and  provoked  the  desire  for  a smoother  edge, 
the  celt  appeared,  polished  at  first  on  its  edge  only,  afterwards  on 
its  entire  surface.  There  was  no  dividing  line  between  the  palae- 
olithic and  neolithic  ages.  If  separated  at  all,  it  is  by  a broad  zone 
through  which  the  implements  of  both  are  found  side  by  side. 
Neither  was  there  any  step  from  the  finished  celt  to  the  hafted  im- 
plement. The  essential  step,  that  of  securing  a stone  in  some  form 
to  a handle,  had  been  taken  long  ago. 

Lest  it  might  be  suggested  that  in  order  to  sustain  a theory  regard- 
ing the  developement  of  the  arts,  I have  myself  been  led  to  invent 
steps  in  art  that  were  never  known  to  man,  it  is  worth  while  to  remark 


n 


162 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


that  none  of  the  steps  I have  set  forth  are  imaginary.  All  of  them 
are  in  existence  and  in  use  yet,  in  their  appropriate  places,  often 
amidst  the  completest  appliances  of  modern  mechanic  arts.  If  the 
primitive  man  sharpened  a stick  by  rubbing  it  over  a rough  grit, 
he  used  the  same  means  an  artist  employs  to-day  to  produce  a fine 
point  on  his  pencil,  and  the  same  by  which  we  sharpen  all  cutting 
tools.  The  scraping  tool  is  one  of  the  ordinary  provisions  of  a 
joiner’s  outfit  ; but  the  use  of  a bit  of  broken  glass  is  more  common 
still.  As  the  edge  becomes  dulled  by  use,  the  glass  is  simply  broken 
and  two  fresh  edges  are  formed.  This  is  universal  in  civilized  life, 
and  a curious  instance  of  it  in  savage  life  has  just  been  brought  to 
light  by  the  Rev.  Lorimer  Fison,  in  his  pamphlet  on  the  Nanga  or 
Sacred  Stone  Inclosure  of  Fiji,  in  which  he  relates  often  having 
seen  “a  mother  shaving  her  child’s  head  with  a bit  of  glass,  and 
biting  a new  edge  on  the  instrument  when  it  became  dull.”  These 
original  arts  have  never  been  lost.  Probably  it  is  a general  truth 
regarding  mechanic  arts  that  no  one  of  them  once  commonly  ac" 
quired  is  ever  again  lost.  It  may  be  laid  aside  for  a time  or  sus- 
pended, but  it  revives  in  some  form ; and  I venture  to  think  that 
much  of  the  eloquence  that  has  been  expended  upon  the  “ The  Lost 
Arts  ’ ’ has  resulted  from  a very  imperfect  acquaintance  with  those 
that  exist. 

It  is  apparent  that  every  step  in  the  progress  that  has  been  recited 
resulted  in  an  improvement  in  man’s  condition.  The  first  improved 
weapon,  club  or  pike  or  missile,  was  equivalent  to  so  much  greater 
strength  of  arm  or  length  of  reach.  It  augmented  man’s  superior- 
ity over  the  brutes ; it  made  his  life  less  precarious ; it  put  the 
means  of  securing  food,  shelter,  and  covering  more  fully  within  his 
power.  His  environment,  to  which  he  had  in  his  primitive  con- 
dition been  completely  subject,  he  now  could  to  a certain  extent 
control,  could  subject  to  himself.  The  first  improved  means  of 
fabricating  a weapon,  the  first  tool  or  mechanical  process,  accom- 
plished these  results  in  an  increased  ratio.  The  step  that  made  the 
cutting  tool  the  possible  possession  of  every  man,  which  made  the 
knife  even  in  its  clumsiest  form  a common  tool,  did  for  the  whole 
race  what  the  earliest  steps  did  for  a limited  number,  and  made  this 
amelioration  general.  The  increased  number  of  forms  and  varieties 
of  tools  and  weapons,  growing  out  of  the  diverse  and  manifold 
wants  they  were  adapted  to  supply,  were  each  steps  in  the  better- 
ment of  his  material  condition,  each  an  indication  of  progress ; 
man’s  advance  towards  civilization,  slow  as  it  must  have  been,  was 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


163 


marked  off  step  by  step  by  the  advances  he  made  in  his  mechanic 
arts.  The  more  he  became  independent  of  nature  and  capable  of 
forcing  her  into  his  service  the  more  time  and  inclination  he  found 
for  the  perfecting  of  his  implements ; and  the  more  he  perfected 
his  implements  the  more  capable  he  became  of  subduing  nature. 
And  this  interaction  has  never  ceased,  it  goes  on  to-day.  But  the 
achievements  of  to-day  are  not  the  conquest  of  savage  beasts,  nor 
the  solution  of  the  problems  of  food  and  shelter  and  warmth.  We 
are  overcoming  time  and  distance;  we  are  conquering  the  barriers 
of  sea  and  mountain;  we  are  finding  out  the  more  hidden  forces  of 
nature,  and  subjecting  them.  The  fruit  of  our  inventions  is  not  seen 
in  rough  flakes  of  stone  lashed  by  sinew  to  rude  hafts,  but  in  the 
mighty  movement  of  the  railway  train  thundering  across  the  conti- 
nent, or  the  click  of  the  telegraph  as  London  talks  with  Calcutta. 
And  every  step  in  progress  has  been  a step  in  the  improvement  of 
man’s  condition  from  the  first  to  the  last.  And  so  it  shall  be  in 
the  future. 

Artists  depict  the  genius  of  invention  as  a voluptuous  female 
figure,  in  various  stages  of  imperfect  attire,  attended  by  innocent 
boys  in  their  primitive  nudity,  and  with  gear  wheels  and  anvils  and 
other  rough  equipments  of  the  artisan  in  ill-assorted  proximity. 
This  is  a feeble  conception.  The  genius  of  invention  is  not  a crea- 
ture of  delicate  mould,  but  one  of  brawn  and  sinew.  His  voice  is 
no  gentle  song  of  lullaby,  but  comes  to  us  in  the  deafening  clatter 
of  Lowell  looms  and  the  roar  of  Pittsburgh  forges.  Mighty  and 
beneficent  and  responsive  to  human  wants — this  is  the  kind  of  song 
he  sings  in  his  rugged  rhythm : 

“ I am  monarch  of  all  the  forges : 

I have  solved  the  riddle  of  fire; 

The  amen  of  Nature  to  cry  of  man 
Answers  at  my  desire. 

I grasp  with  the  subtle  soul  of  flame 
The  heart  of  the  rocky  earth ; 

And  hot  from  my  anvils  the  prophecies 
Of  the  miracle  years  leap  forth. 

I am  swart  with  the  soot  of  my  furnace, 

I drip  with  the  sweat  of  toil ; 

My  fingers  throttle  the  savage  waste, 

I tear  the  curse  from  the  soil ; 

I fling  the  bridges  across  the  gulfs 
That  hold  us  from  the  To-Be ; 

And  build  the  roads  for  the  bannered  march 
Of  crowned  humanity.” 


164 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


DISCUSSION. 

Mr.  P.  B.  Pierce,  discussing  the  paper,  referred  to  some  of  the  curi- 
osities or  phenomena  of  invention  ; for  this  science  of  eurematics , 
like  every  science,  has  its  attendant  phenomena.  Indeed,  that 
invention  is  a science  is  demonstrated  by  its  attendant  phenomena. 

Invention  is  not  creation;  the  first  deals  with  matter  direct;  the 
latter  supplies  that  with  which  invention  deals.  The  student  of 
eurematics,  giving  heed  to  what  the  history  of  his  science  has  to 
teach,  soon  discovers  the  principles  of  the  great  law  of  evolution. 
Let  him  inspect  the  almost  humanized  giant  that  bears  its  load  of 
living  freight  daily  from  Washington  to  New  York  in  less  than  six 
hours,  and  what  does  he  find,  except  that  since  the  days  of  Watt 
the  process  of  selection  or  differentiation  has  been  intelligently 
going  on ! The  clumsy,  the  crude,  the  ruder  elements  have  been 
rejected;  the  harmonious,  the  simple,  the  efficient,  and  stronger 
have  been  utilized.  Increment  by  increment  complexity  has  given 
way  to  simplicity,  until  the  perfected  machine  stands  forth  as  we 
know  it ; that  is  to  say,  the  machine  we  are  pleased  to  call  perfect , 
the  selected  excellence,  the  summum  bonum , of  all  that  experience 
and  long  use  have  taught  to  be  best  of  those  that  have  preceded  it. 
Each  inventor  has  contributed  his  mite,  and  lo ! the  grand  result ! 
And  its  maker,  man,  is  he  not  perfecting  himself  along 'with  that 
dull  matter  upon  which  he  works  and  in  which  he  achieves ! Is  he 
not,  as  described  by  the  poet, 

The  heir  of  all  the  ages  in  the  foremost  files  of  time  ? 

Is  not  matter  reflex?  Is  Frankenstein  in  reality  the  monster  his 
author  protrayed  him  to  be  ? Will  not  the  science  of  eurematics, 
when  once  fairly  beset  by  the  persistent  inquisition  of  scientific 
study  and  investigation,  open  wide  the  door  of  the  temple  that  is 
even  now  ajar,  and  permit  its  disciples  to  enter  and  make  intelligent 
conquest,  under,  a full  knowledge  of  its  laws,  where  until  now  they 
have  only  been  permitted  to  make  occasional,  random  captures  from 
the  vestibulum , as  it  were? 

The  thousand  forces  of  nature  lie  hidden  within  grasping  distance ; 
but  for  lack  of  systematic  study  they  elude  our  clutch,  escaping  from 
our  wiliest  approaches  as  the  thistle  down  upon  a puff  of  air.  This 
may  not  always  remain  so.  The  Lilliputians  bound  Gulliver  with 
straws ; let  us  ply  Nature  with  pitiless  interrogation  till  she  yields 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


165 


us  the  fullest  knowledge  of  all  her  laws.  For  this  is  eurematics  in 
'its  broadest  significance;  it  is  encompassing  the  laws  of  nature  with 
material  form  and  compelling  matter  to  do  the  bidding  of  psychi- 
cal energy. 

But  evolution  does  not  account  for  all.  There  is  in  invention  a 
synchronism  that  is  almost  mysterious.  The  present  is  the  grand 
harvest  time  of  all  the  seed  that  has  been  planted  by  the  generations 
that  have  preceded  us;  but  why  the  thoughts  of  inventive  minds 
appear  to  move  in  batallions,  all  aiming  at  some  common  objective, 
seems  at  first  view  almost  inexplicable.  A given  function  is  demon- 
strably demanded ; a hundred  minds  set  themselves  at  once,  in  all 
parts  of  the  world,  to  produce  the  means  for  its  satisfaction.  With 
the  almost  universal  diffusion  of  information  that  has  come  about 
with  the  art  of  printing,  even  in  all  languages  and  tongues,  aided 
by  the  telegraph  and  the  telephone,  who  fails  to  know  in  all  the 
broad  earth  to-morrow  morning  what  the  chiefest  want  of  to-day 
has  been?  Within  one  month’s  time  from  the  great  flour-dust 
explosion  in  the  mills  of  Minneapolis,  in  May,  1878,  there  were 
over  thirty  inventions  made  for  preventing  the  recurrence  of  such 
an  accident,  and  all  practically  effective.  Many  of  them  were 
almost  if  not  quite  identical,  although  made  by  men  having 
no  knowledge  even  of  each  others’  existence,  and  in  all  parts  of 
the  world ! So  quickly,  when  a pressing  want  is  known,  is  the 
means  supplied  for  staying  the  same.  When  the  science  of  inven- 
tion has  been  perfected,  and  every  want  has  been  given  a means  for 
its  satisfaction,  will  not  the  highest  type  of  invention  then  be  the 
discovery  of  a new  want,  latent  in  the  human  soul,  but  never  before 
developed  ? 

Another  feature  of  invention  noticeable  to  an  attentive  observer 
is  the  isolation  in  which  an  important  discovery  is  often  times  set. 
The  evolution  of  the  automatic  grain  binder  of  this  day,  from  the 
sickle  of  Egypt  and  the  Orient,  is  plain  and  familiar.  To  one  who 
has  witnessed  the  devouring  knives  of  this  latest  type  of  human 
genius,  hungrily  levelling  the  yellow  harvests  of  the  great  northwest 
and  tossing  the  bundled  sheaves  backward  in  serried  rows  upon  the 
stubble,  and  contrasts  its  action  with  that  of  the  reaper  in  the  time 
of  Boaz,  how  far  apart  they  seem  separated  ! And  so  they  are,  wide 
centuries  apart.  But  the  quick  mind  of  invention  anticipated  the 
want  almost  in  the  earliest  day  of  the  reaper.  In  the  year  1854  two 
men  invented,  perfected,  reduced  to  practice,  and  patented  the 


166 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


completed  machine  whose  opportunity  for  use  did  not  come  until 
twenty-five  years  later.  Like  lonely  islands  arising  out  of  the  reced-  • 
ing  waters  of  an  ocean,  such  inventions,  though  they  may  after- 
wards be  the  highest  lands  of  great  and  fundamental  enterprise,  are 
lost  for  want  of  use.  Although  pioneers  their  inventors  are  without 
remuneration  because  they  are  too  far  in  front  of  the  needs  of  the 
world.  The  world  itself  is  ever  unready;  the  lines  of  necessity  are 
conservative  and  strenuously  refuse  to  make  room  for  the  new  appli- 
cant for  favor,  even  though  full  of  promise. 

Mr.  Wm.  H.  Babcock  said  no  one,  on  glancing  over  our  patents, 
can  fail  to  observe  how  many  of  the  inventions  covered  by  them 
are  obviously  outgrowths  of  those  already  in  existence  rather  than 
contrivances  adapted  to  meet  any  real  want.  A man  sees  a partic- 
ular machine,  or  a description  of  one,  and  forthwith  proceeds  to 
devise  a similar  but  slightly  different  construction.  Thus  there  are, 
for  example,  more  than  three  thousand  patents  on  car  couplers, 
most  of  them  varying  from  others  in  a trivial  degree,  very  few  of 
them  being  actually  in  use.  A large  class  of  our  inventions  are  of 
this  incidental  kind. 

But  another  large  class  of  inventions  have  grown  mainly  out  of  a 
distinct  conception  of  a public  demand,  real,  foreseen,  or  fancied, 
or  of  the  practical  needs  of  manufacture.  Exclusive  of  certain  spo- 
radic and  eccentric  instances,  inventors  are  either  manufacturers, 
the  men  employed  by  them,  or  who  expect  to  sell  to  them.  All 
these  are  on  the  alert  to  note  the  drift  of  public  taste  and  practical 
requirements.  A manufacturer  sees,  or  thinks  he  sees,  that  a new 
article,  or  a change  in  an  old  one,  would  meet  with  or  lead  to  a con- 
siderable sale ; or  that  a simplification  of  his  machinery  would  ena- 
ble him  to  reduce  his  force  or  his  fuel;  a factory  hand  finds  that 
the  machine  with  which  he  works  has  some  persistent,  annoying 
defect  which  a slight  alteration  would  avoid  ; an  outsider  in  a fac- 
tory village  forms  his  own  theory  as  to  what  would  give  one  com- 
peting manufacturer  an  advantage  over  another  and  knows  that  it 
would  be  well  paid  for ; in  all  these  influences  the  exertion  of  inge- 
nuity is  easily  accounted  for. 

The  effect  of  the  public  demand  is  curiously  illustrated  in  the 
synchronism  of  invention.  It  frequently  happens  that  men  widely 
separated  territorially  and  having  no  discoverable  communication 
with  one  another  make  the  same  invention  at  the  same  time,  or  so 
nearly  at  the  same  time  that  priority  cannot  easily  be  determined. 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


107 


The  progress  of  a certain  art  has  reached  a point  where  a given  step 
becomes  inevitable,  and  like  causes  produce  like  results  everywhere. 

This  shows,  further,  that  the  individual  man  is  of  less  importance 
as  a factor  in  invention,  than  his  environment.  Indeed  invention 
in  the  wide  vague  popular  sense  can  hardly  be  said  to  exist.  Even 
our  greatest  inventions  have  proceeded  by  a succession  of  small  in- 
crements. Each  man  puts  a round  in  the  ladder,  and  the  next  climbs 
on  it  to  put  in  his  higher  up.  The  one  who  puts  in  the  last  round 
steps  from  it  to  receive  the  crown  of  success,  although  his  contribu- 
tion may  have  been  the  least  of  any ; and  his  even  more  meritorious 
predecessors  who  failed,  but  made  that  success  possible,  are  gener- 
ally forgotten. 

Invention  for  the  pleasure  of  inventing  is  of  prime  importance  in 
literature  and  art,  and  cannot  be  wholly  ignored  even  in  treating 
of  mechanical  matters.  Many  men  delight  in  experimenting  with 
machinery,  combining  element  with  element,  adapting  every  part 
with  every  other  and  to  the  end  in  view.  They  find  invention  c its 
own  exceeding  great  reward.  ’ ’ Every  one  who  deals  with  inventors 
can  recall  such  enthusiasts,  who  are  often  men  of  notable  if  narrow 
ability,  and,  on  the  whole,  the  most  interesting  of  their  tribe. 

Mr.  A.  W.  Hart  said  : I am  very  glad  that,  among  other  things 
he  has  done,  Col.  Seely  has  put  his  foot  down  on  the  theory  that 
accident  is  the  mother  of  invention.  This  is  a popular  error  which 
most  of  us  may  have  sometime  shared — certainly,  I must  admit  it 
was  included  once  in  my  catalogue  of  sins.  What  are  called  acci- 
dents are  in  reality  normal  results  of  a search  or  inquiry,  or  series 
of  experiments,  such,  for  example,  in  the  geographical  field,  as 
the  discovery  of  America  by  Columbus,  or  in  the  healing  art,  the 
prevention  of  cholera  by  inoculation  with  cholera  germs  if  that 
is  the  correct  term.  In  the  way  of  a homely  illustration,  I will 
relate  a personal  incident.  A friend  proposed  a walk  to  Arlington, 
and  said  we  would  look  on  the  way  for  Indian  arrow-heads.  I as- 
sented but  said  that  I never  found  an  arrow-head  in  my  life. 
“ That  is  merely  because  you  never  looked  for  them,”  replied  my 
friend.  We  went,  and  sure  enough,  found  the  arrow-head,  and  I 
found  another  the  next  walk  I took  in  search  for  one.  Now,  while 
in  a certain  sense  I may  call  that  finding  an  accident,  in  the  true 
and  proper  sense,  it  was  none  at  all.  It  was  the  regular  legitimate 
result  of  the  search  instituted.  But  for  the  preparation  or  plan  and 
its  systematic  execution,  the  “accident  ” of  discovery  would  never 


168 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


have  occurred.  So  inventions  come  when  we  are  ripe  for  them 
and  look  for  and  strive  after  them — and  then  they  are  not  accidents, 
but  logical  endings  of  systematic  beginnings — just  as  the  solution  of 
a mathematical  problem  follows  its  working. 

One  may  walk — as  the  savage  does — over  diamond  or  coal  fields, 
rich  bottom  lands,  or  gold-bearing  rocks,  seeing  nothing  of  their 
nature,  contents  or  potentialities  because  intent  on  other  things — 
of  the  hunt  or  war — and  because  not  developed  to  any  possible  com- 
prehension of  anything  more.  But  the  civilized  and  mentally  and 
scientifically  developed  man,  going  over  the  same  ground  might 
make  valuable  discoveries,  for  good  to  himself  and  his  fellows,  while 
losing  sight  of  the  beasts  or  the  signs  of  presence  of  others  that  the 
eye  of  the  savage  takes  in.  The  latter  is  therefore  not  to  be  charged 
with  negligence,  nor  the  civilized  man  with  being  the  victim  of  an 
accident.  So  inventions  come  when  we  are  ready  for  and  seek  them, 
— as  apples  fall  into  the  basket  we  hold  to  catch  them  when  ripe 
and  ready  to  drop. 

Mr.  Murdoch  read  a paper  on  the  “ Sinew-backed  Bow  of  the 
Eskimo.” 

All  the  branches  of  the  widely-distributed  Eskimo  race  now  live 
in  regions  which  are  either  treeless  or  else  deprived  of  the  ash  and 
other  elastic  woods  fit  for  making  bows.  The  fact  that  the  bow  was 
in  general  use  among  the  Eskimo  previous  to  the  introduction  of 
firearms  is  one  of  the  arguments  that  they  have  not  always  lived  in 
the  regions  which  they  now  inhabit,  but  have  moved  on  from  places 
where  wood  suitable  for  the  purpose  was  to  be  obtained.  As  they 
gradually  became  settled  in  their  new  homes,  probably  before  the 
different  branches  were  so  widely  separated  from  the  original  stock 
as  they  are  now,  and  as  the  simple  bows  which  they  had  brought 
with  them  from  their  old  country  became  worn  out  and  had  to  be 
replaced,  it  was  necessary  to  find  some  means  of  giving  the  needful 
elasticity  to  the  brittle  spruce  and  fir,  frequently  rendered  still 
more  brittle  by  a long  drift  on  river  and  sea,  followed  by  exposure 
to  sun  and  rain  on  the  sea-beach.  In  some  places  even  driftwood 
is  so  scarce  that  bows  were  made  of  no  better  material  than  dry 
antler.  The  elastic  sinews  of  several  animals,  especially  of  the  rein- 
deer, furnished  the  means  desired  of  making  an  efficient  weapon  out 
of  these  poor  materials.  This  is  not  employed  in  the  way  used  by 
the  Indians  of  the  plains,  who  glue  a broad  strip  of  sinew  along  the 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


169 


back  of  the  bow,  but  is  braided  or  twisted  into  a cord  the  size  of 
stout  whip-cord,  which  is  laid  on  in  a continuous  piece  so  that  there 
are  numerous  strands  of  the  elastic  cord  running  along  the  back  of  the 
bow  so  as  to  be  stretched  when  the  bow  is  drawn.  The  simplest  or,  so 
to  speak,  ancestral  pattern  of  sinew-backed  bow  from  which  the  types 
now  in  use  are  evidently  derived  is  one  in  which  there  are  a dozen 
or  twenty  of  such  plain  strands  along  the  back,  running  around 
the  “nocks”  and  held  down  by. knotting  the  end  of  the  cord 
round  the  handle.  Bows  of  this  form,  slightly  modified  by  having 
the  cords  somewhat  twisted  from  the  middle,  so  as  to  increase  their 
tension,  are  still  to  be  found  in  Baffin  Land,  where  many  of  the  arts 
seem  in  a lower  state  of  development  than  among  the  Greenlanders, 
on  the  one  hand,  or  the  Western  Eskimos,  on  the  other.  Let  us 
now  consider  how  in  course  of  time  the  different  branches  of  the 
Eskimo  race  have  improved  upon  this  simple  invention.  Along  the 
well-wooded  shores  of  southern  Alaska,  from  the  island  of  Kadiak 
nearly  to  the  mouth  of  the  Yukon,  where  there  is  plenty  of  fresh, 
living  spruce,  they  have  chiefly  increased  the  efficiency  of  the  bow 
by  lengthening  and  broadening  it,  and  have  paid  but  little  atten- 
tion to  the  sinew  backing,  contenting  themselves  with  slightly  in- 
creasing the  number  of  strands,  wrapping  them  round  with  a spiral 
seizing,  which  prevents  them  from  spreading,  and  occasionally  add- 
ing a few  more  strands  which  only  extend  part  way  to  the  tips, 
being  secured  by  hitches  round  the  bow.  This  makes  the  bow  a 
little  stiffer  in  the  middle  than  at  the  ends,  where  less  strength  is 
required.  On  the  other  hand,  the  people  who  live  along  the  tree- 
less shores  of  the  Arctic  Ocean,  from  the  Mackenzie  river  to  Ber- 
ing Strait,  can  obtain  no  wood  better  than  the  dead  and  weathered 
spruce  which  the  sea  casts  upon  the  beach.  Consequently,  all  im- 
provements in  the  weapon  were  of  necessity  confined  to  the  sinew 
backing,  which  has  developed  into  a marvel  of  complication  and 
perfection,  while  the  bow  itself  is  rather  short  and  not  especially 
stout.  Starting  as  before  with  a loop  at  one  end  of  the  cord  strands 
are  laid  on  from  nock  to  nock  until  there  are  enough  of  them  to 
give  sufficient  stiffness  to  the  ends  of  the  bow.  Then  the  cord  goes 
only  to  within  6 or  8 inches  of  the  tip  and  is  secured  round  the 
bow  by  hitches,  sometimes  a very  complicated  lashing  of  as  many 
as  a dozen  half  hitches  alternately  in  opposite  directions,  and  returns 
to  a corresponding  place  at  the  other  end,  where  it  is  similarly 
hitched.  In  this  way  strand  after  strand  is  laid  on,  each  pair  shorter 


170 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


than  the  preceding,  and  the  backing  constantly  thickening  towards 
the  middle  of  the  bow.  When  sufficient  strands  are  laid  on  they 
are  separated  into  two  parcels,  and  with  a pair  of  very  ingenious 
little  bone  or  ivory  levers  are  twisted  from  the  middle  into  two 
tight  cables,  so  that  the  twist  of  the  cords  adds  to  the  resistance  to 
be  overcome  in  drawing  the  bow.  These  are  prevented  from  un- 
twisting by  a lashing  at  the  middle  which  runs  through  the  cable 
and  round  the  bow  in  a sort  of  figure  of  8.  The  end  of  the  cord 
then  makes  a tight  spiral  seizing  round  the  bow  which  not  only 
keeps  the  backing  from  slipping,  but  serves  to  distribute  the  strain 
evenly  and  keep  the  bow  from  breaking.  This  pattern  is  probably 
the  ultimate  development  of  the  sinew-backed  bow.  Not  only  is 
it  difficult  to  imagine  making  a more  perfect  weapon  from  the  mate- 
rial, but  attention  will  no  longer  be  paid  to  possible  improvements 
in  a weapon  which  is  rapidly  falling  into  disuse.  As  would  naturally 
be  supposed  the  region  about  Norton  Sound,  where  the  tribes  of  the 
Arctic  coast  meet  those  of  Bering  Sea,  is  a debatable  ground,  where 
bows  of  the  two  types  described  are  found  side  by  side,  along  with 
others  partaking  of  the  characteristics  of  both.  If  now  we  cross  to 
St.  Lawrence  Island,  we  find  Eskimos  depending  solely  on  drift- 
wood, who  employ  another  and  most  peculiar  modification  of  the 
original  type.  They  have  lengthened  the  ends  of  the  bow  so  that 
the  original  simple  backing  hardly  reaches  within  a foot  of  either 
end,  while  these  ends  are  bent  up  as  in  the  Tartar  bow,  and  separate 
backings  are  stretched  across  these  bends. 

The  Eskimos  of  the  mainland  of  Siberia,  who  have  long  main- 
tained direct  intercourse  with  the  St.  Lawrence  Islanders  and  with 
the  Eskimos  of  the  Arctic  coast  by  way  of  the  Diomedes,  show  the 
evidence  of  this  intercourse  in  the  pattern  of  their  bows,  using  either 
the  peculiar  St.  Lawrence  tpye,  or  purely  American  bows  of  the 
Arctic  pattern,  or  weapons  which  curiously  combine  characteristic 
features  of  both. 

DISCUSSION. 

Mr.  Bates  said  that  the  little  blocks  which  are  tied  into  the 
concave  outer  limb  of  several  of  Mr.  Murdoch’s  bows  are  some- 
thing more  than  a mere  stiffener  of  the  wooden  portion.  It  is  a 
truly  mechanical  expedient,  to  give  efficiency  to  the  tension  mem- 
ber of  the  combination,  which  is  the  sinew.  It  not  only  acts  as 
a strut  to  increase  the  leverage  of  the  tension  member,  which  is  the 


ANTPIROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


171 


function  of  the  strut  in  all  combination  trusses,  but  it  shortens  and 
straightens  the  line  of  the  sinew,  thus  bringing  its  rigidity  and, 
elasticity  into  full  play.  In  this,  as  in  so  many  other  instances  of 
merely  experimental  evolution,  the  best  results  of  abstract  theory 
are  arrived  at. 


Ninety-Seventh  Regular  Meeting,  May  19,  1885. 

Vice-President  Dr.  Robert  Fletcher  in  the  Chair. 

The  Chair  announced  the  death  of  Count  Giovanni  Battiste  Erco- 
lani,  of  Bologna,  Italy,  a corresponding  member,  after  which  a 
memoir  was  read  by  Dr.  E.  R.  Reynolds,  who,  in  the  course  of  his 
remarks,  presented  to  the  Society  an  embroidered  Italian  flag  and 
a number  of  scarfs  and  mourning  wreaths  contributed  by  various 
scientific  societies  of  Italy,  of  which  Count  Ercolani  was  a member. 
The  Chair  remarked  that  Count  Ercolani  would  probably  be  remem- 
bered principally  for  his  discovery  that  the  circulation  of  the  blood 
was  known  and  promulgated  prior  to  Harvey. 

Dr.  Matthews  then  read  a paper  upon  ‘‘The  Cubature  of  the 
Skull,”  which  was  followed  by  some  inquiries  by  Dr.  Frank  Baker 
and  Mr.  Bates,  leading  to  further  remarks  by  Dr.  Matthews. 

ABSTRACT. 

The  lecturer  discussed  briefly  the  various  methods  which  have 
been  employed  in  the  volumetric  measurement  of  the  cranial  con- 
tents and  pointed  out  their  various  defects.  He  then  described  a 
method  which  he  had  recently  devised  and  employed  in  the  Army 
Medical  Museum  at  Washington. 

After  recording  the  weight  of  the  skull  it  is  varnished  inside 
with  thin  shellac  varnish,  applied  by  means  of  a reversible  spray 
apparatus.  Artificial  or  accidental  orifices  are  closed  with  India- 
rubber  adhesive  plaster.  The  foramena  and  fossae  are  filled  with 
putty.  The  skull  is  wrapped  in  a coating  of  putty  an  inch 
or  more  in  thickness,  which  renders  it  water-tight.  It  is  filled 
with  water  by  means  of  a special  apparatus  in  forty-five  seconds  and 
emptied  in  fifteen  seconds.  The  rapidity  of  this  manipulation  in 
conjunction  with  the  varnishing  prevents  soaking  into  the  sinuses 
and  the  undue  measurement  of  water  which  does  not  pertain  to  the 


172 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


cranial  cavity.  The  water  is  poured  into  a measuring  glass  of 
2,000  c.  c.  capacity,  and  lycopodium  is  scattered  on  the  water  to 
define  the  true  surface.  The  putty  is  taken  from  the  skull ; the 
latter  is  cleansed  and  placed  in  a dry,  warm  apartment  until  by  slow 
evaporation  it  is  reduced  to  its  former  weight  and  consequently  to 
its  former  capacity.  Then  it  is  measured  a second  time  to  verify 
the  results  of  the  former  measurement. 

Hitherto  anthropologists  have  chiefly  employed  solid  particles, 
such  as  shot  or  seeds,  in  the  cubature  of  skulls.  Water  had  been 
tried  by  former  experimenters  without  success,  and  abandoned — the 
objections  to  its  use  being  considered  insuperable.  The  lecturer, 
however,  considered  that  by  his  method  he  had  overcome  the  chief 
difficulties.  Although  the  method  is  new  and  still  susceptible  of 
improvement,  it  is  thought  that  the  results — an  average  of  one  cubic 
centimetre  difference  between  the  first  and  second  measurements — 
have  not  been  excelled. 

One  of  the  bronze  skulls  of  Professor  J.  Ranke,  of  Munich,  was 
exhibited,  and  the  claims  of  the  inventor,  as  published  in  “Cor- 
respondenz-Blatt  der  Deutschen  Gesellschaft  fur  Anthropologie 
Ethnologie  und  Urgeschichte,”  September,  1884,  were  quoted. 
The  lecturer  had  found  one  difficulty  in  using  the  artificial 
skull  which  Prof.  Rauke  had  not  suggested.  The  cavity  varied 
greatly  in  capacity  with  changes  of  temperature.  For  a perfect 
conformity  of  measurements  not  only  was  it  necessary  that  the 
water  used  should  be  certain  specified  heat,  but  the  bronze  skull, 
the  various  vessels  used,  and  the  atmosphere  of  the  apartment  in 
which  the  experiments  were  made  should  be  of  a corresponding 
temperature.  At  40  centigrade  the  lecturer  obtained  for  the  bronze 
skull,  estimating  both  by  weight  and  measure,  a capacity  of  1,220  c.  c., 
while  at  140  centigrade  he  obtained  1,2400.0.  In  no  case  did  he 
get  a result  as  high  as  that  engraved  on  the  skull,  viz : 1,255.6  c.  c. 
The  skull  was  presented  by  Prof.  Rauke  to  the  Army  Medical 
Museum. 

A paper  followed  from  Dr.  Baker  upon  11  The  Principles  of 
Interpretation  of  Brain,  Mass,  and  Form.”  This  paper  was 
illustrated  by  numerous  charts. 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


173 


FROM  SAVAGERY  TO  BARBARISM. 

ANNUAL  ADDRESS  OF  THE  PRESIDENT, 
J.  W.  Powell, 

Delivered  February  j,  1885. 


It  is  a long  way  from  savagery  to  civilization.  In  the  attempt  to 
delineate  the  progress  of  mankind  through  this  long  way,  it  would 
be  a convenience  if  it  could  be  divided  into  clearly  defined  stages. 
The  course  of  culture,  which  may  be  defined  as  the  development  of 
mankind  from  savagery  to  civilization,  is  the  evolution  of  the 
humanities — the  five  great  classes  of  activities  denominated  arts, 
institutions,  languages,  opinions,  and  intellections.  Now  if  this 
course  of  culture  is  to  be  divided  into  stages,  the  several  stages 
should  be  represented  in  every  one  of  the  classes  of  activities.  If 
there  are  three  stages  of  culture  there  should  be  three  stages  of  arts, 
three  stages  of  institutions,  three  stages  of  language,  three  stages  of 
opinions,  and  three  stages  of  intellections. 

Three  such  culture  stages  have  been  recognized  by  anthropologists, 
denominated  Savagery,  Barbarism,  and  Civilization.  But  they 
have  been  vaguely  characterized  and  demarcated.  Savagery  has 
been  considered  a low  stage  of  culture,  barbarism  a middle  stage  of 
culture,  and  civilization  a high  stage  of  culture  In  a brief  address 
it  is  not  practicable  to  set  forth  the  essential  characteristics  of  the 
whole  course  of  culture ; and  it  is  intended  on  this  occasion  simply 
to  characterize  Savagery  and  Barbarism,  and  to  define  the  epoch  of 
transition.  To  this  end  it  will  be  necessary  to  set  forth  the  charac- 
teristics of  savage  art  as  distinct  from  barbaric  art,  and  the  nature 
of  the  change;  to  explain  savage  institutions  and  barbaric  institu- 
tions, and  how  the  lower  class  developed  into  the  higher;  to  set 
forth  briefly  the  characteristics  of  savage  language  and  barbaric 
language,  and  the  origin  of  the  change;  to  show  the  nature  of  the 
opinions  held  by  savages  and  the  opinions  held  by  barbarians,  and 
to  explain  the  reason  of  the  change  from  one  to  the  other ; and 
finally  to  explain  savage  and  barbaric  intellections,  and  to  show 


174 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


how  savage  methods  of  reasoning  were  transformed  into  barbaric 
methods  of  reasoning. 

The  most  noteworthy  attempt  hitherto  made  to  distinguish  and  de- 
fine culture-stages  is  that  of  Lewis  H.  Morgan,  in  his  great  work  enti- 
tled “Ancient  Society.”  In  it  these  three  grand  periods  appear — 
Savagery,  Barbarism,  and  Civilization  — each  with  sub-divisions. 
Morgan  recognized  the  importance  of  arts  as  the  foundation  of  cult- 
ure, and  his  “ethnic  periods,”  as  he  calls  them,  are  based  on  art 
development.  With  him,  Savagery  embraces  all  that  stage  of  human 
progress  extending  from  the  beginning  of  the  history  of  man,  as  dis- 
tinguished from  the  lower  animals,  to  the  invention  of  pottery. 
Barbarism  then  succeeds  and  extends  to  the  invention  of  the  alpha- 
bet. He  adds  that  among  some  peoples  hieroglyphic  writing  takes 
the  place  of  phonetic  writing,  and  civilization  begins  at  this  time. 
He  then  divides  each  of  these  periods  into  epochs  which  need  not 
here  be  considered.  In  some  of  Morgan’s  works  he  connects  the 
evolution  of  institutions  with  the  development  of  arts,  but  to  an 
imperfect  degree,  and  without  explaining  their  interdependence. 
He  also,  at  different  times,  hints  at  the  relation  of  linguistic  devel- 
opment to  arts;  but  he  considers  mythology  to  be  too  vague  to 
afford  valuable  data  for  this  purpose. 

The  scheme  here  presented  differs  from  Morgan’s  in  placing  the 
epoch  of  demarcation  between  Savagery  and  Barbarism  later  on  in 
the  course  of  human  culture;  and  it  is  proposed  to  characterize  the 
stages,  not  by  arts  alone,  but  by  all  the  fundamental  activities  of 
man. 

The  next  most  noteworthy  attempt  to  define  culture-periods  is 
that  by  Lester  F.  Ward,  one  of  the  Vice-Presidents  of  this  Society. 
In  his  scheme  there  are  four  stages  of  social  progress,  or  social  aggre- 
gation, viz: 

“ ist.  The  solitary,  or  autarchic  stage  ; 

2d.  The  constrained  aggregate,  or  anarchic  stage; 

3d.  The  national,  or  politarcliic  stage;  and, 

4th.  The  cosmopolitan,  or  pantarchic  stage.” 

Ward  seeks  to  establish  these  as  veritable  stages  on  the  basis  of 
institutions  alone.  They  are  treated  as  stages  of  social  aggregation, 
and  not  as  culture-stages.  The  first,  second,  and  fourth  are  purely 
hypothetic.  I have  elsewhere  stated  my  reasons  for  not  accepting 
the  first  and  second  stages;  but,  whether  real  or  imaginary,  they 
antedate  all  possible  objective  knowledge  of  the  condition  of  man- 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


175 


kind.  The  fourth  stage  is  a prophecy,  and  though  I believe  that 
his  prophetic  vision  is  clear  and  that  he  sees  a true  picture  of  the 
future,  it  need  not  be  considered  here.  His  politarchic  stage  em- 
braces all  the  course  of  human  culture  with  which  science  may  at 
present  deal  on  a basis  of  observed  fact,  and  it  is  this  stage  which 
is  here  divided  into  three  parts  — Savagery,  Barbarism,  and  Civili- 
zation. 

E.  B.  Tylor,  also,  has  classified  the  stages  of  culture  as  Savage, 
Barbaric,  and  Civilized.  The  lowest  or  savage  stage  he  defines  ‘‘as 
that  in  which  man  subsists  on  wild  plants  and  animals,  neither  till- 
ing the  soil  nor  domesticating  creatures  for  his  food.  ’ ’ He  considers 
that  men  arrive  at  the  barbaric  stage  when  “they  take  to  agricult- 
ure,” and  pass  from  the  barbaric  to  the  civilized  stage  by  acquiring 
the  art  of  writing. 

In  relation  to  the  epoch  which  separates  Savagery  from  Barbar- 
ism, Tylor  does  not  greatly  disagree  with  Morgan.  Morgan  uses 
as  a criterion  of  Barbarism  as  distinguished  from  Savagery  the 
acquisition  of  the  art  of  making  pottery;  Tylor,  the  acquisition 
of  agriculture.  But  usually  the  two  arts  have  been  acquired  at 
about  the  same  time,  and  it  seems  probable  that  the  conditions  of 
life  brought  about  by  agriculture  were  necessary  properly  to  develop 
ceramic  art.  If  this  is  true,  agriculture  is  the  more  fundamental. 
If  stages  of  culture  are  to  be  established  on  conditions  of  art 
development  alone,  the  invention  of  agriculture  should  doubtless 
be  accepted  as  the  plane  of  demarcation  between  the  two  lower 
stages ; but  if  the  culture-stages  are  to  be  based  upon  characteristics 
derived  from  all  the  classes  of  human  activities,  the  separation 
between  Savagery  and  Barbarism  must  be  placed  somewhat  later  on. 
Such  a plane  of  demarcation  has  been  adopted  by  me  for  a number 
of  years,  both  in  my  publications  and  in  the  discussions  and  exposi- 
tions informally  presented  to  this  Society  from  time  to  time  ; and  it 
is  my  purpose  to  . make  a somewhat  fuller  exposition  of  my 
method. 

All  the  grand  classes  of  human  activities  are  inter-related  in  such 
a manner  that  one  presupposes  another,  and  no  one  can  exist  with- 
out all  the  others.  Arts  are  impossible  without  institutions,  lan- 
guages, opinions,  and  reasoning;  and  in  like  manner  every  one  is 
developed  by  aid  of  the  others.  If,  then,  all  of  the  grand  classes  of 
human  activities  are  interdependent,  any  great  change  in  one  must 
effect  corresponding  changes  in  the  others.  The  five  classes  of  activi- 


176 


TRANSACTIONS  OP  THE 


ties  must  progress  together.  Art-stages  must  have  corresponding 
institutional,  linguistic,  philosophic,  and  psychic  stages. 

Stages  of  progress  common  to  all  the  five  grand  classes  of  human 
activities  may  properly  be  denominated  Culture- Stages,  and  such 
culture-stages  should  be  defined  by  characterizing  all  these  activi- 
ties in  each  stage.  This  I shall  attempt  to  do,  but  in  a brief  way- 

ARTS  OF  SAVAGERY. 

The  very  early  history  of  mankind  is  covered  by  obscurity,  through 
which  conjecture  peers  at  undefined  forms;  but  when  that  portion  of 
human  history  which  rests  upon  a solid  basis  of  known  facts  is  reached, 
a succession  of  arts  is  discovered,  each  of  which  challenges  attention 
and  admiration.  In  the  lowest  stage  of  culture  which  comes  within 
human  knowledge,  men  understand  the  use  of  fire,  and  we  may 
pretty  fairly  guess  how  they  have  learned  of  its  utility.  This  early 
man  also  uses  tools  and  implements  of  stone,  bone,  horn,  wood,  and 
clay,  and  by  them  adds  skill  to  his  hands.  It  is  the  genius  of  savage 
intellect  that  makes  the  hand  more  than  a paw,  that  makes  it  an 
organ  for  the  fashioning  and  the  use  of  tools  and  implements.  At 
this  earlier  stage  man  also  knows  how  to  protect  himself  from  winds 
and  storms  and  the  cruel  changes  of  the  seasons  by  providing  him- 
self with  clothing  and  shelter.  He  has  also  explored  and  experi- 
mented upon  the  whole  realm  of  the  vegetal  world,  and  discov- 
ered in  a more  or  less  crude  way  the  properties  of  plants,  so  that  he 
knows  those  which  are  useful  for  food,  the  woods  that  are  useful  for 
fire,  and  the  fibres  that  are  useful  for  woven  fabrics.  In  the  same 
period  of  culture  man  has  learned  that  the  animals  of  the  land  and 
the  waters  are  useful  for  food,  and  has  discovered  crude  methods  bv 
which  to  kill  and  ensnare  them,  and  has  invented  many  simple 
instruments  for  hunting  and  fishing.  Such  is  the  state  of  the 
industrial  arts  in  that  stage  of  culture  which  we  call  Savagery. 

INSTITUTIONS  OF  SAVAGERY. 

Institutions  relate  to  the  constitution  of  bodies  politic,  to  forms 
of  government,  and  to  principles  of  law;  and  in  describing  Savag- 
ery we  must  characterize  the  constitutions  of  savage  tribes,  the 
forms  of  savage  government,  and  the  principles  of  savage  law. 

In  Savagery  the  tribe  is  always  a body  of  kindred — actual  kindred 
in  the  main ; but,  to  a limited  extent,  artificial  kinship  obtains  by 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


177 


methods  of  adoption.  In  this  stage  of  society  no  method  is  con- 
ceived in  the  human  mind  by  which  a number  of  men  can  be  held 
together  in  one  common  body  except  the  bond  of  kinship  — the  ties 
of  consanguinity  and  affinity.  The  savage  thinks  and  says,  “My 
kindred  are  my  friends,  and  he  who  is  not  my  kin  is  my  enemy,” 
and  upon  this  theory  he  acts. 

The  tribal  state,  therefore,  is  organized  upon  the  basis  of  kinship. 
It  is  literally  a bond  of  blood  entwined  in  a bond  of  conjugal  love, 
and  the  family  organization  thoroughly  permeates  the  constitution 
of  the  tribal  state.  In  this  stage  of  culture  the  family,  as  under- 
stood in  the'  civilized  world,  is  unknown.  The  marriage  of  one 
man  to  the  woman  of  his  choice,  and  of  one  woman  to  the  man 
of  her  choice,  is  unknown.  The  right  of  the  father  to  his  own 
children,  is  unknown.  The  husband  does  not  take  the  wife  to 
his  own  home ; the  husband  is  but  the  guest  of  his  wife,  who  re- 
mains with  her  own  kindred ; and  the  children  of  the  union  belong 
to  her,  and  over  her  the  husband  has  no  authority.  The  tribe  is 
always  divided  into  kinship  clans.  Each  clan  of  this  character  is 
a group  of  people  related  to  one  another  through  the  female  line, 
and  children  belong  to  the  clan  of  the  mother,  and  submit  them- 
selves to  the  authority  of  the  mother’s  brother  or  the  mother’s 
uncle.  The  husband  of  a woman  is  selected,  not  by  herself  but 
by  her  clan,  to  be  the  guest  of  the  clan  and  the  father  of  additional 
members  of  the  clan.  In  this  form  of  soeiety,  then,  a clan  is  a 
body  of  consanguineal  kindred  in  the  female  line  governed  by  some 
male  member  of  the  clan,  usually  the  elder  man.  The  clans  con- 
stituting the  tribe  are  bound  together  by  ties  of  affinity.  The 
methods  by  which  they  are  thus  bound  vary  from  time  to  time  and 
from  tribe  to  tribe.  In  the  simplest  possible  case  a tribe  is  com- 
posed of  two  clans,  each  furnishing  the  other  with  husbands  and 
fathers,  and  in  such  a case  the  men  of  the  one  clan  are  the  guests 
of  the  other,  are  the  husbands  of- the  women  and  the  fathers  of 
the  children  of  the  other  clan.  In  such  a case  the  common  gov- 
ernment is  a council  of  the  elder  men  of  both  clans,  or  of  chosen 
or  hereditary  representatives  of  both  clans,  and  the  council  chooses 
the  tribal  chief.  Such  is  the  simplest  possible  form  of  tribal  society. 

This  plan  of  the  tribal  state  and  form  of  government  becomes 
very  highly  developed ; there  may  be  three,  four,  twenty,  or  fifty 
clans,  with  many  curious  ties  of  affinity,  with  many  curious  re- 
lations arising  from  marriage  laws.  The  clan  A may  furnish 


12 


178 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


husbands  to  clan  B,  and  clan  B to  clan  C,  and  clan  C to  clan 
D,  and  clan  D to  clan  A.  It  will  be  impossible  to  explain  all  the 
forms  of  kinship  society  in  Savagery;  but  it  is  sufficient  to  say 
that  everywhere  the  tribal  state  is  organized  on  a kinship  basis. 

If  two  tribes  form  an  alliance  for  offensive  and  defensive  purposes, 
an  artificial  kinship  is  always  established.  Under  such  circum- 
stances the  tribes  entering  into  the  alliance  make  an  agreement  with 
one  another  what  their  relationship  shall  be.  If  two  tribes  are  thus 
joined  they  may  call  each  other  brothers;  then  one  will  be  the  elder- 
brother  tribe,  the  other  the  younger-brother  tribe.  Or  they  may 
assume  the  relationship  of  parent  and  child  to  each  other,  and  the 
men  of  one  tribe  call  the  men  of  the  other  “ fathers  ” and  the  women 
“ mothers,”  &c. . But  all  clan  relations  and  all  tribal  relations  are 
really  or  theoretically  kinship  relations.  In  all  such  bodies  poli- 
tic there  is  a perpetual  conflict  between  tribal  and  clan  prerogatives, 
and  it  is  settled  by  different  methods  in  different  tribes  and  at  dif- 
ferent times;  but,  in  general,  crimes  are  of  two  classes  in  this 
respect:  those  over  which  the  tribe  has  jurisdiction,  and  those  over 
which  the  clan  has  jurisdiction.  Sometimes  the  clan  assumes  almost 
supreme  jurisdiction ; at  other  times  the  tribe  assumes  almost  supreme 
jurisdiction.  All  petty  crimes,  as  they  are  considered  in  savage 
society,  fall  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  clan.  It  may  be  asked 
how  a state  of  social  organization  so  strange  to  us  ever  became  estab- 
lished, and  yet  it  may  be  easily  seen  that,  anterior  to  the  develop- 
ment of  modern  ideas  and  methods  of  government,  it  was  the 
simplest  way  of  settling  difficulties,  establishing  peace,  and  con- 
solidating peoples  into  bodies-politic  that  could  occur  to  a people. 

In  the  34th  chapter  of  Genesis  there  is  recorded  a proposition  to 
organize  a barbaric  tribe  : 

“ And  Hamor  the  father  of  Shechem  went  out  unto  Jacob  to  commune  with  him. 

******** 

“And  Hamor  communed  with  them,  saying,  The  soul  of  my  son  Shechem 
longeth  for  your  daughter : I pray  you  give  her  him  to  wife. 

“And  make  ye  marriages  with  us,  and  give  your  daughters  unto  us,  and  take 
our  daughters  unto  you. 

“And  ye  shall  dwell  with  us : and  the  land  shall  be  before  you;  dwell  and 
trade  ye  therein,  and  get  you  possessions  therein.” 

In  all  stages  of  society,  laws  regulate  conduct  in  those  particu- 
lars about  which  men  disagree.  Wherever  there  is  universal  agree- 
ment there  is  no  need  for  law,  and  when  men  disagree  about  the 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


179 


actions  of  life,  their  actions  must  be  regulated.  Now,  in  early 
stages  of  society,  the  chief  things  about  which  men  disagree  are  the 
relations  of  the  sexes,  personal  authority,  possession  of  property, 
and  conduct  relating  to  mythical  beings.  Their  laws  therefore 
relate,  first,  to  marriage : and  they  avoid  controversies  in  this  re- 
spect by  establishing  the  law  that  individuals  themselves  shall  have 
no  personal  choice  in  the  selection  of  mates,  but  that  husbands  shall 
be  furnished  to  wives  by  legal  appointment  through  the  officers  or 
rulers  of  the  clan.  Second,  property  rights  are  established  by  laws 
which  make  certain  classes  .of  the  property  belong  to  the  tribes, 
other  classes  to  the  clans,  and  a very  small  part  to  individuals  ; and 
the  property  held  by  individuals  cannot  descend  to  other  persons; 
and  to  prevent  controversy  in  relation  to  personal  property,  it  is 
established  by  law  that  eyery  man’s’personal  property  shall  be  placed 
with  him  in  his  grave.  Third,  personal  authority  is  established  on 
seniority.  The  elder  always  has  authority  over  the  younger;  and  as 
the  people  in  this  stage  of  society  have  not  yet  developed  arithmetic 
and  records  to  such  an  extent  that  the  ages  of  individuals  are  known, 
a curious  linguistic  device  is  established  by  which  relative  age  is 
always  known.  Every  man,  woman,  and  child  addresses  every  other 
man,  woman,  and  child  by  a kinship  term  which  always  indicates  rela- 
tive age : thus,  there  is  no  term  for  brother,  but  a man  in  speaking  to 
his  brother  always  uses  a term  which  signifies  that  he  is  an  elder 
brother  or  a younger  brother,  as  the  case  may  be  ; and  thus,  through 
"the  entire  system  of  kinship  terms  in  tribal  society  no  man  can  speak 
to  another  without  addressing  him  by  a term  which,  in  its  very 
nature,  claims  or  yields  authority.  The  younger  must  always  be 
obedient  to  the  elder.  Fourth,  laws  involving  conduct  relating  to 
mythic  beings  are  very  diverse  and  multifarious,  and  cannot  be  fully 
characterized.  But  one  of  the  most  essential  of  those  laws  concerns 
behavior  in  relation  to  the  tutelar  deity.  Each  clan  has  its  tutelar 
deity  and  defends  its  honor,  and  punishes  all  impious  acts  or  words 
against  its  tutelar  god.  And  in  savage  society  no  man  may  speak 
disrespectfully  of  his  neighbor’s  god,  but  may  praise  or  defame  his 
own,  as  that  god  is  propitious  or  angry. 

The  general  principle  running  through  all  these  laws  is  this: 
That  in  order  that  men  may  live  together  in  peace  and  render  each 
other  mutual  assistance,  controversy  must  be  avoided ; and  in  con- 
nection with  this  first  principle,  a second  arises  and  runs  through 
savage  law,  viz,  when  controversy  has  begun-it  must  be  terminated. 


180 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


The  methods  of  terminating  such  controversy  are  various,  and  may 
not  here  be  entered  upon.  But,  in  Savagery,  the  struggle  is  for 
peace,  and  peace  is  secured  by  preventing  and  terminating  contro- 
versy. Such  are  the  institutions  of  Savagery. 

THE  LANGUAGE  OF  SAVAGERY. 

It  is  not  easy  to  characterize  savage  languages  in  such  a manner 
that  the  subject  may  be  clearly  understood  by  scholars  who  are  not 
specialists  in  philology.  This  is  due  to  the  fact  that  a false  stand- 
ard of  linguistic  excellence  has  been  set  up  through  the  worship  of 
Greek  and  Latin.  These  languages,  at  the  time  when  they  were 
taken  as  classical  models,  were  very  highly  specialized,  but  not  highly 
developed  as  compared  with  the  languages  of  modern  civilization. 
But  having  been  taken  as  the  models  of  excellence  and  the  stand- 
ards of  comparison,  erroneous  ideas  of  the  course  of  linguistic 
growth  and  of  the  value  or  excellence  of  linguistic  methods 
have  obtained  currency.  In  order  to  understand  clearly  what 
savage,  barbaric,  and  civilized  languages  are,  and  how  they  rank, 
it  becomes  necessary  to  eradicate  these  preconceived  ideas,  and 
this  cannot  be  attempted  in  a short  address.  It  can  only  be 
stated  in  a general  way,  and  without  hope  that  the  statement  will 
be  fully  understood,  that  savage  languages  have  the  parts  of  speech 
very  imperfectly  differentiated,  that  the  grammatic  processes  and 
methods  are  heterogeneous  and  inconsistent,  and  that  the  body  of 
thought  which  they  are  competent  to  express  is  greatly  limited. 
But  there  is  one  linguistic  characteristic  of  Savagery  that  may  be 
made  very  clear ; it  is  this : That  simple  picture-writing  is  found 
among  savage  peoples  as  a linguistic  art,  and  that  in  such  picture- 
writing conventional  characters  are  rarely  used.  Hieroglyphs  are 
never  found  among  savage  peoples,  and  of  course  alphabets  are  un- 
known. 

THE  PHILOSOPHY  OF  SAVAGERY. 

It  seems  probable  that,  in  the  lowest  stage  of  Savagery,  all  change, 
motion,  or  activity — in  fact,  all  phenomena — are  attributed  to  life 
supposed  to  exist  in  the  objects  exhibiting  the  phenomena.  Thus, 
all  things,  animate  and  inanimate,  are  supposed  to  have  life  and  to 
exercise  will.  But  gradually,  in  the  development  of  savagery  it- 
self, the  animate  and  the  inanimate  are  distinguished  ; and  finally 
these  ideas  are  usually  woven  into  the  grammatic  structure  of  savage 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


181 


languages.  Still,  in  this  stage  of  culture,  the  animate  is  supposed  to 
act  on  the  inanimate ; so  that  while  life  is  not  attributed  to  all 
things,  all  action  is  attributed  to  life  — that  is,  unseen  beings  are 
supposed  to  actuate  all  nature  and  to  produce  all  the  phenomena 
of  existence.  Thus  it  is  that  the  stars  have  spirits,  the  mountains 
have  spirits,  and  all  inanimate  and  vegetal  nature,  to  a greater  or 
less  extent,  is  the  abode  of  invisible  beings.  Superimposed  on 
» this  is  found  an  exalted  conception  of  the  wisdom,  skill,  and  powers 
of  the  lower  animals.  In  savagery  the  animals  are  considered  to  be 
the  equals  of  man,  and  in  some  cases  even  his  superiors.  There 
is  also  a general  belief  that  the  form  in  which  men  and  animals  ap- 
pear is  but  transitory  and  that  these  forms  may  be  changed.  They 
believe  not  so  much  in  transmigration  as  in  transformation . Then, 
through  the  principle  of  Ancientism,  by  which  the  remote  past  is 
exalted  — in  Savagery,  Barbarism,  and  among  the  ignorant  in  Civili- 
zation alike  — the  ancients  of  the  star,  mountain,  and  river  spirits, 
the  ancients  of  the  birds  and  beasts,  are  deified  and  worshiped. 
The  most  important  characteristic  of  savage  philosophy,  then,  is  the 
exaltation  of  the  lower  animals,  the  worshiping  of  these  animal  gods, 
and  the  belief  that  they  are  the  chief  actors  in  the  creation  and  his- 
tory of  the  universe.  Savage  philosophy  is  best  characterized  by 
Zootheism. 

PSYCHIC  OPERATIONS  OF  SAVAGERY. 

Sensation  is  the  recognition  of  external  action  upon  the  apparatus 
of  the  mind.  When  the  olfactory  nerves  take  cognizance  of  an 
odor,  a sensation  is  received ; but  when  the  mind  associates  that 
odor  with  previous  sensations  of  odor,  and  recognizes  it  as  of  some 
quality,  or  as  belonging  to  some  known  object,  it  performs  an  act 
of  inductive  reasoning,  and  pronounces  judgment  that  the  odor  is 
sweet,  or  that  it  emanates  from  some  pleasant  substance.  When, 
therefore,  we  say  that  the  odor  of  the  rose  is  perceived,  we  fairly 
affirm  that  in  that  perception  a train  of  reasoning  has  been  pursued 
and  a judgment  formed  thereon.  By  long  exercise  of  the  individual 
in  the  cultivation  of  the  faculties  of  inductive  reasoning,  and  by 
the  inheritance  of  such  faculties  from  ancestors,  trains  of  reasoning 
of  this  character  gradually  come  to  be  so  spontaneous  and  so  appar- 
ently instantaneous  that  the  course  of  inductive  reasoning  is  not 
recognized.  The  judgment  is  instantly  formed,  and  the  inductive 
reasoning  is  unconscious  induction  upon  the  data  of  sensation. 
Induction  is  the  composition  of  data. 


182 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


Again:  a sound  falls  upon  the  ear;  that  is,  many  waves  of  sound 
beat  upon  the  nervous  receptacle  which  groups  the  sensations  we 
call  sound ; the  mind  recognizes  qualities  in  the  sounds,  and  at  the 
same  time  compares  them  with  the  memories  of  other  sounds  having 
the  same  quality,'  and  the  ear  thus  recognizes  the  voice  of  a friend. 
But  there  may  be  something  more  recognized,  such  as  characteristics 
that  express  joy  or  sorrow,  and  the  mind  recognizes  not  only  the 
voice  of  the  friend  but  the  state  of  his  emotions.  Now  this  process 
is  wholly  inductive,  both  in  the  perception  of  a known  voice  and  in 
the  perception  of  a known  emotion.  It  is  all  a complex  course  of  in- 
ductive reasoning,  but  that  reasoning  is  so  instantaneous  that  the 
facts  which  lie  at  the  basis  of  induction,  and  the  methods  of  induction, 
are  not  discerned,  and  the  unconscious  induction  is  called  perception. 
When  the  eye  is  turned  to  look  upon  a horse  it  is  affected  by  certain 
conditions  of  light,  transformed  by  reflection  from  the  object  upon 
which  the  eye  is  directed.  The  different  rays  of  light  coming  to  the 
eye  are  of  a multiplicity  of  kinds,  exhibiting  different  degrees  of  light 
and  shade  and  different  degrees  in  the  analysis  of  light  into  its  con- 
stituent colors;'"  thus,  chiaroscuro  and  color  strike  upon  the  eye,  the 
vast  multiplicity  of  minute  effects  upon  the  eye  are  composed  in 
the  mind  by  an  inductive  process,  and  the  inductive  process  goes 
beyond  the  composition  of  these  facts  to  infer  others.  Perhaps 
the  left  side  of  the  horse  is  turned  to  the  eye,  and  the  mind  ’infers 
that  there  is  a right  side,  that  the  hither  side  of  the  ear  has  a farther 
side,  that  beyond  there  is  a right  ear,  and  a right  side  throughout, 
so  that  the  conclusion  is  reached  that  the  object  is  characterized  by 
bilateral  symmetry.  Still  more  than  that,  through  that  profound 
principle  known  as  the  correlation  of  parts,  internal  organs  are  in- 
ferred ; it  is  concluded  that  the  animal  has  a backbone,  a heart,  and 
other  parts.  All  these  facts,  observed  and  inferred,  are  combined 
into  a general  conclusion  by  the  mind  that  the  object  seen  is  a 
horse,  and  we  say  that  a horse  is  perceived.  Now  this  process  of 
perception  differs  in  no  wise  from  any  long  and  patient  course 
of  reasoning  except  in  one  characteristic,  namely,  that  the  process 
of  reasoning  is  so  instantaneous  that  the  steps  and  methods  do  not 
arise  in  consciousness.  The  individual  facts  upon  which  the  reason- 
ing is  based  do  not  appear  in  severalty,  but  as  forming  integral 
parts  of  the  whole ; and  the  steps  by  which  these  observed  facts  are 
combined  with  previous  knowledge,  and  reasoned  upon  from  the 
basis  of  the  principle  of  the  correlation  of  parts,  are  unobserved. 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


183 


The  mind  is  unconscious  of  the  facts  upon  which  reason  is  based, 
and  of  the  process  of  reasoning,  but  instantaneously  reaches  a con- 
clusion. Thus  perception  is  unconscious  induction. 

This  may  be  further  illustrated  by  facts  familiar  to  all.  The 
untrained  arithmetician  labors  with  a simple  problem  in  addition ; 
he  steps  slowly  from  one  number  to  another  with  his  eye  and  his 
mind’s  eye  as  he  ascends  the  column ; but  an  expert  accountant 
glances  his  eye  up  and  down  the  column  and  instantaneously  states 
the  sum;  and  that  which  was  a slow  inductive  problem  in  arith- 
metic for  the  child  and  the  ordinary  adult  is  performed  as  an  instan- 
taneous process  by  the  expert  accountant ; and  that  which  was 
conscious  induction  in  the  one  was  perception  in  the  other.  In 
many  ways  and  on  all  hands  this ’fact  may  be  illustrated,  that  per- 
ception and  induction  (or  reflection,  as  it  is  usually  called)  are  one 
and  the  same  process  in  kind,  but  differ  only  in  degree.  Perception 
is  unconscious  induction. 

It  was  necessary  to  explain  this  fundamental  principle  in  psychol- 
ogy in  order  that  we  may  properly  characterize  the  psychic  operations 
of  Savagery.  The  psychic  condition  of  a people  can  only  be  fully 
explained  by  setting  forth  fully  the  whole  system  of  intellections, 
embracing  perceptions,  inductions,  and  inventions  (or  imagination, 
as  the  process  of  invention  is  more  usually  denominated  in  psychol- 
ogy), and  also  characterizing  the  emotions,  the  desires,  and  the 
purposes,  so  frequently  denominated  the  “will.”  But  it  will  be  suf- 
ficient for  our  purposes  here  if  we  characterize  the  perceptions  and 
inductions  of  Savagery;  and  it  may  be  safely  inferred  that  the 
imaginings,  the  emotions,  the  desires,  and  the  purposes  will  corre- 
spond thereto. 

Now  the  perceptions  of  Savagery  are  of  a very  rudimentary  char- 
acter and  are  greatly  restricted.  This  can  be  shown  in  many  ways, 
but  two  particulars  will  suffice  for  present  purposes.  The  first  is 
this,  that  the  savage  is  unable  to  perceive  a conventional  meaning. 
He  can  perceive  a horse,  and  he  can  even  perceive  the  picture  of  a 
horse 'if  its  outlines  are  fairly  drawn,  but  he  cannot  perceive  a horse 
in  a conventional  character,  like  a hieroglyph  or  a written  word. 

Again : the  savage  can  perceive  numbers  but  to  a very  limited 
extent,  but  cannot  perceive  the  relations  of  numbers ; for  example, 
he  cannot  add  groups  of  numbers,  as  3 to  5 ; but  wishing  to  add  3 
to  5,  he  first  counts  off  carefully  5,  and  then  adds  the  3,  one  at  a 
time  — that  is,  he  counts  his  addition.  To  subtract  3 from  8,  he 


184 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


subtracts  one  at  a time  until  3 are  taken  away,  and  subsequently 
counts  the  remainder  to  discover  the  5.  In  like  manner  he  cannot 
multiply,  that  is,  add  like  groups  to  each  other.  Nor  can  he  divide, 
that  is,  separate  into  like  groups,  but  must  in  each  case  go  through 
the  process,  not  by  considering  abstract  numbers,  but  by  consider- 
ing individual  things,  one  at  a time.  Thus  it  is  that  in  Savagery  a 
very  large  field  is  included  in  conscious  induction  which  belongs  to 
perception  in  a higher  stage  of  culture.  There  are  many  other 
mental  characteristics  of  Savagery,  but  those  given  are  sufficient  for 
present  purposes.  « 

Savagery  has  been  thus  described  with  all  the  minuteness  possible 
on  such  an  occasion,  and  perhaps  with  sufficient  thoroughness  for 
present  purposes.  The  savage  has  invented  rude  arts  by  which  he 
obtains  food,  clothing,  and  shelter.  He  has  invented  a rude  system 
of  kinship  society,  with  descent  in  the  female  line.  He  has 
spoken  language,  gesture-speech,  and  picture-writing,  but  is  without 
hieroglyphic,  syllabic,  or  alphabetic  writing.  He  has  a philosophy 
which  informs  conspicuous  and  important  inanimate  objects  with 
spirit  life,  and  which  deifies  the  brute ; and  a mind  whose  percep- 
tions are  so  slightly  developed  that  conventional  characters  do  not 
convey  to  him  ideas,  and  his  arithmetic  is  yet  “counting.”  Such, 
in  general,  are  the  characteristics  of  all  savage  peoples  that  have  been 
carefully  studied  by  anthropologists.  Now  the  question  arises,  how 
was  this  Savagery  transformed  into  Barbarism;  and  what  is  that 
Barbarism  ? 

In  the  lower  stages  of  culture  all  progress  rests  upon  the  arts  of 
life.  To  discover  any  great  change  in  the  condition  of  mankind 
we  must  look  for  the  art-invention  which  was  the  efficient  agency 
in  producing  the  change. 

If  the  early  course  of  human  progress  be  surveyed  for  the  purpose 
of  discovering  the  most  important  art-epochs,  it  will  be  safe  to  re- 
gard those  of  the  greatest  importance  the  effects  of  which  are  most 
clearly  exhibited  in  the  concomitant  activities  — that  is,  institutions, 
languages,  opinions,  and  psychic  operations.  If  an  invention  has 
but  slight  influence  on  these  correlative  activities,  its  importance 
may  be  questioned.  But  if  an  art-invention  is  discovered  to  have 
worked  radical  changes  in  all  other  activital  departments,  such  art 
must  be  of  the  highest  importance. 

There  are  two  arts  intimately  associated  the  invention  of  which 
causes  a radical  change  in  all  of  the  departments  of  humanity, 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


185 


viz,  agriculture  and  the  domestication  of  animals.  Agriculture 
began  in  Savagery.  Many  savage  tribes  cultivate  little  patches 
of  ground  and  thereby  provide  themselves  with  a part  of  their 
subsistence.  This  petty  agriculture  does  not  of  itself  result  in 
any  radical  change ; but  when  the  art  has  developed  to  such  an 
extent  that  the  people  obtain  their  chief  subsistence  therefrom,  and 
especially  when  it  is  connected  with  the  domestication  of  animals, 
so  that  these  are  reared  for  food  and  used  sts  beasts  of  burden,  the 
change  for  which  we  seek  is  wrought.  It  seems  that  extensive  agri- 
culture was  first  practiced  in  arid  lands  by  means  of  artificial  irriga- 
tion. In  more  humid  lands  the  supply  of  food  is  more  abundant, 
and  the  incentive  to  agriculture  is  less.  On  the  other  hand,  agri- 
culture is  more  difficult  in  humid  lands  than  in  arid  lands.  The 
savage  is  provided  with  rude  tools,  and  with  them  he  can  more 
easily  train  water  upon  desert  soils  than  he  can  repress  the  growth 
of  valueless  plants  as  they  compete  for  life  with  those  which  furnish 
food.  The  desert  soil  has  no  sod  to  be  destroyed,  no  chapparal  to 
be  eradicated,  no  trees  to  be  cut  down,  with  their  great  stumps  to 
be  extracted  from  the  earth.  The  soil  is  ready  for  the  seed.  Throw 
upon  that  soil  a handful  of  seed  and  then  sprinkle  it  with  a few  cal- 
abashes of  water  once  or  twice  through  the  season,  and  the  crop  is 
raised ; or  train  upon  a larger  garden  patch  the  water  of  a stream 
and  let  it  flood  the  surface  once  or  twice  a year,  and  a harvest  may 
be  reaped. 

Petty  agriculture,  such  as  I have  described  as  belonging  properly 
to  Savagery,  has  been  widely  practiced  in  the  four  quarters  of  the 
globe  among  savage  peoples,  quite  as  much  in  humid  as  in  arid 
regions;  but  the  art  seetns  not  to  have  indigenously  extended 
beyond  that  stage  in  any  but  arid  regions.  The  earliest  real  agri- 
culture known  to  man  was  in  the.Valley  of  the  Nile,  an  almost  rain- 
less land;  but  the  floods  of  the  Nile  were  used  to  fertilize  the  soil. 
Again,  in  the  land  of  Babylon,  along  the  Tigris  and  the  Euphrates, 
extensive  agriculture  grew  up,  but  it  was  dependent  upon  artificial 
irrigation.  Still  farther  to  the  southeast,  in  the  Punjab,  another 
system  of  indigenous  agriculture  was  developed  by  utilizing  the 
waters  of  the  five  great  rivers.  Still  farther  to  the  eas.t  an  indige- 
nous agriculture  was  developed  on  an  extensive  scale,  all  dependent 
upon  artificial  irrigation,  as  the  Chinese  use  the  waters  of  the  Ho- 
ang-ho  and  the  Yang-tse-Kiang.  In  South  America  the  first  system 
of  agriculture  was  developed  in  Peru,  all  dependent  upon  artificial 


186 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


irrigation ; and  finally,  to  the  north  of  the  Isthmus  of  Panama,  in 
Central  America  and  Mexico,  agricultural  arts  were  highly  devel- 
oped, and  here  also  they  were  dependent  upon  artificial  irrigation. 
From  these  six  examples  of  high  agricultural  art,  all  the  agricult- 
ure of  the  world  has  been  developed ; from  these  centers  it  has 
spread.  The  petty  agriculture  of  humid  lands  never  went  beyond 
the  utilization  of  little  patches  of  ground  in  the  forest  glades  until 
it  was  borrowed  in  a higher  state  from  arid  lands.  Everywhere  with 
the  development  of  agriculture  in  the  arid  lands,  the  art  of  domes- 
ticating animals  was  associated,  and  everywhere  such  animals  were 
raised  for  food,  and  to  a large  extent  they  were  used  as . beasts  of 
burden. 

Now,  it  is  to  be  noted  that  the  animal  industry  eventually  devel- 
oped beyond  the  vegetal  industry,  and  spread  more  widely,  and 
many  tribal  peoples  became  herdsmen  and  nomads  before  they  came 
to  be  agriculturists.  The  art  of  domesticating  animals  was  more 
easily  borrowed,  especially  in  humid  regions,  than  was  the  art  of 
agriculture. 

These  industries  enabled  mankind  to  obtain  a far  more  generous 
subsistence  and  more  thorough  protection  from  unfriendly  nature. 
They  thus  caused  a great  increase  in  population.  They  also  con- 
stituted the  first  great  agency  for  the  accumulation  of  wealth,  by 
creating  it  in  giving  value  to  land,  by  creating  it  in  flocks  and 
herds,  and  by  storing  it  through  the  discovery  of  methods  by  which 
the  wants  of  the  future  could  be  met.  By  planting  fields  the  wants 
of  to-morrow  and  all  the  days  of  the  year  to  come  are  served ; and 
when  the  young  of  animals  are  reared,  provision  for  future  years  is 
made,  and  thereby  men  learn  to  accumulate. 

This  change  in  the  arts  of  life,  and  the  increase  of  population 
resulting  therefrom,  entirely  changed  the  constitution  of  society. 
In  savage  society,  when  mother-right  prevails,  a tribe  is  a group  of 
classes  or  clans  living  together  in  a village  that  is  easily  moved  from 
time  to  time.  If  a colony  departs  from  a tribe,  a segment  of  two 
or  more  clans  goes  away  and  starts  a new  village,  and  the  clans 
again  live  as  a village  community  upon  the  same  plan  as  the  parent 
tribe. 

Now,  let  us  suppose  that  a tribe  separates  by  clans,  so  that  each 
goes  off  by  itself;  a curious  condition  arises  therefrom  : first,  it 
results  in  the  divorce  of  all  marriages,  because  husband  and  wife 
are  always  of  different  clans ; and  for  the  same  reason  the  father  is 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


187 


separated  from  his  children.  In  such  communities  there  is  often  a 
partial  separation  by  clans  of  this  nature:  in  savage  society  the 
men  of  a clan  often  go  off  together  on  a hunting  or  fishing  excur- 
sion. Sometimes  these  excursions  or  travels  are  prolonged  for 
weeks  or  months.  In  such  cases  the  men  often  take  their  wives 
with  them,  and  under  these  circumstances  the  women  are  separated 
from  their  clan  and  kindred  and  are  not  under  the  control  of  clan 
authority,  but  fall  under  the  temporary  control  of  their  husbands 
and  fathers.  Now,  if  we  could  suppose  a state  of  affairs  where 
this  separation  of  women  and  children  from  kindred  and  clan 
authority  becomes  permanent,  it  is  manifest  that  the  power  of 
clan  authority  would  wane,  and  the  authority  of  the  husband  and 
father  would  grow.  Such  a condition  of  affairs  results  from  ex- 
tensive agriculture  by  irrigation  and  the  care  of  extensive  flocks. 
It  must  be  remembered  that  in  this  stage  of  society  property  is 
communal;  that  is,  property  in  the  main  belongs  to  the  clan.  A 
flock  of  sheep,  a herd  of  cattle,  a band  of  horses,  is  the  property 
of  the  men  of  a clan.  When  such  property  becomes  so  large  that 
it  will  occupy  for  its  sustentation  a large  valley,  the  men  to  whom 
it  belongs  will  necessarily  be  occupied  all  the  time  with  its  care 
and  protection,  and  they  must  have  their  wives  and  children  with 
them  in  order  that  domestic  life  may  be  possible.  Under  such 
circumstances  it  results  that  women  and  children  are  gradually  taken 
from  the  control  of  those  persons  who  had  previously  been  supposed 
to  be  their  natural  protectors,  their  clan  kindred,  and  fall  under  the 
control  of  their  husbands  and  fathers,  who  are  members  of  other 
clans.  The  same  result  has  always  been  produced  by  the  segrega- 
tion of  the  male  members  of  the  clan  from  the  tribe  through  agri- 
culture by  irrigation.  The  circumstances  are  these : In  this  early 
agriculture  the  agricultural  implements  are  very  crude,  and  great 
hydraulic  works  cannot  be  undertaken.  It  is  thus  necessary  to 
attempt  the  control  of  only  the  small  streams,  and  the  men  of  each 
clan  will  therefore  select  some  small  stream  and  occupy  the  little 
valley  through  which  it  runs  and  upon  which  its  waters  are  trained  ; 
the  men  of  one  clan,  with  their  wives  and  children,  occupy  a dis- 
tinct valley,  the  male  members  of  another  clan  another  valley,  and 
the  tribe  is  thus  segregated  into  groups,  the  male  members  of  each 
group  belonging  to  the  same  clan  and  having  with  them  their  wives 
and  children.  The  women  and  children  being  thus  severed  from  clan 
authority,  fall  under  the  authority  of  their  husbands,  and  mother- 


188 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


right,  or  descent  in  the  female  line,  is  changed  into  father-right,  or 
descent  in  the  male  line;  and  thus  is  established  the  patriarchy,  a 
form  of  society  with  which  we  are  all  familiar,  as  it  is  very  clearly 
set  forth  in  the  post-Noachian  history  of  the  Bible. 

Under  this  form  of  society  kinship  bonds  are  still  preserved,  but 
they  are  of  a different  nature.  First,  descent  is  transferred  to  the 
male  line  — that  is,  children  belong  to  the  clan  of  the  father,  and 
are  controlled  by  him  instead  of  by  the  mother’s  brother,  or  the 
mother’s  uncle;  second,  the  husband  is  no  longer  the  guest  of  the 
wife  and  her  clan.  At  first  the  wife  is  the  guest  of  the  husband  and 
his  clan,  but  gradually  this  relationship  of  guest  and  host  is  changed 
to  the  relationship  of  master  and  owner,  and  the  husband  becomes 
the  owner  of  his  wife,  and  finally  the  owner  of  his  children.  They 
are  considered  to  be  his  property ; they  are  responsible  to  no  one 
but  himself — that  is,  the  tribe  does  not  hold  the  wife  and  children 
responsible  for  their  acts,  but  holds  the  husband  responsible  for 
them.  (It  is  impossible  in  an  evening’s  address  to  characterize  fully 
the  causes  and  the  consequences  of  the  change  from  enatic  to  ag- 
natic descent,  but  the  statement  here  given  is  perhaps  sufficient  for 
present  purposes.) 

Another  great  change  is  effected,  the  increase  of  wealth  which 
has  been  described  multiplies  the  relations  between  men  arising 
from  the  possession  of  property.  And  these  are  relations  about 
which  men  disagree,  and  therefore  they  must  be  regulated  by  law. 
The  state,  therefore,  comes  to  be  organized  in  part  on  a property 
basis;  hitherto  it  has  been  organized  wholly  upon  a kinship  basis. 
The  plan  of  the  structure  of  the  state  ‘is  thus  changed.  The  laws, 
too,  are  enlarged  to  regulate  the  relations  that  arise  out  of  owner- 
ship. 

And  yet  another  change  is  effected.  Some  clans  prosper  and 
increase  in  wealth ; other  clans  fall  into  poverty.  With  this  increase 
of  wealth  and  desire  for  wealth,  labor  becomes  of  value,  because  it 
can  be  converted  into  wealth,  and  the  poor  are  employed  by  the 
rich,  and  the  relations  of  the  employer  and  the  employed  are  estab- 
lished. Out  of  this  grows  the  relationship  of  master  and  slave,  and 
ranks  or  grades  are  established  in  society.  With  this  grows  ambi- 
tion for  wealth  and  power,  and  tribe  wars  on  tribe  to  drive  away  its 
herds  and  to  take  possession  of  its  accumulated  property,  and  cap- 
tured peoples  become  slaves,  and  the  chiefs  of  conquering  tribes 
extend  their  authority  over  conquered  tribes,  and  gradually  great 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


189 


chiefs  become  great  leaders  in  war  and  gather  their  retainers  about 
them,  giving  to  them  protection  from  without,  and  claiming  in 
compensation  for  the  same  fealty,  tribute,  and  service  under  arms. 

Such  is  a brief  outline  of  the  characteristics  of  tribal  society  in 
barbarism,  brought  about  through  the  cultivation  of  the  soil  and 
the  domestication  of  animals. 

THE  CHANGE  IN  LANGUAGE. 

The  great  changes  wrought  in  arts  and  institutions  which  have 
been  described  doubtless  had  their  influence  on  languages,  as  the 
new  ideas  required  new  means  of  expression.  While  in  the  present 
state  of  knowledge  it  is  perhaps  not  possible  to  set  forth  clearly  the 
resultant  sematic  and  structural  effects  upon  any  language,  in  lin- 
guistic arts  important  effects  are  discovered. 

In  the  lower  status  of  culture,  here  denominated  savagery,  picture- 
writing was  highly  developed ; but  in  the  transition,  to  barbarism, 
picture-writing  was  transformed  into  ideographic  writing.  In  the 
earlier  stage  a slight  tendency  to  conventionalism  is  discovered ; 
but  in  ideographic  writing  the  original  pictorial  signs  are  conven- 
tionalized to  such  a degree  that  it  becomes  an  important  linguistic 
art,  by  which  ideas  may  be  recorded  and  transmitted  from  person 
to  person  and  from  generation  to  generation.  It  must  be  under- 
stood that  the  evolution  of  picture-writing  had  all  along  been  in 
the  direction  of  ideographic  writing,  but  a great  impulse  is  given 
to  this  tendency  by  the  enlargement  of  human  activities  in  the  arts 
of  life  and  the  institutions  of  society.  This  is  discovered  in  many 
directions,  the  chief  of  which  may  be  here  enumerated. 

ist.  The  increase  of  property  demands  increase  in  the  methods 
of  identifying  property  and  of  substantiating  ownership. 

2d.  The  separation  of  clans  and  the  distribution  of  cognate 
peoples  over  large  areas  of  territory  demand  means  of  intercom- 
munication other  than  that  of  direct  oral  conversation ; and 

3d.  Nomadism,  which*  is  the  direct  result  of  the  domestication  of 
animals,  makes  men  travelers,  and  so  enlarges  their  horizon  of 
observation  that  some  method  for  the  record  of  events  becomes 
necessary.  Under  such  stimulus,  picture-writing  speedily  develops 
into  ideographic  writing. 

THE  CHANGE  IN  PHILOSOPHY. 

In  savagery,  mythology  develops  into  a high  form  of  zootheism. 


190 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


The  beasts  are  not  gods,  but  many  of  the  gods  are  beasts  — the 
ancients  of  beasts,  the  prototypes  or  progenitors  of  the  living 
animals.  The  rudiments  of  physitheism  also  exist  in  the  worship 
of  the  heavenly  bodies,  the  winds,  and  other  natural  phenomena 
personified. 

When  animals  become  beasts  of  burden  they  are  degraded  ; they 
are  discovered  to  be  inferior  beings,  and  the  mysteries  of  animal 
life  are  largely  dispelled ; and  by  the  development  of  agriculture 
man  becomes  more  dependent  upon  the  sun,  the  seasons,  and  the 
weather.  The  heavenly  bodies  and  meteorologic  powers  and 
phenomena  grow  in  importance  and  become  more  and  more  the 
subject  of  interest  and  speculation,  until  the  personifications  of 
natural  objects  in  the  heavens  and  natural  phenomena  in  the  seasons 
and  the  weather  are  deified,  and  the  tribal  worship  presided  over 
by  medicine-men  and  prophets  becomes  a religion  based  upon 
physitheism.  The  occult  lore  of  the  people  is  composed  of  stories 
of  the  sun,  moon,  and  stars;  of  thunder,  lightning,  and  the  rain- 
bow: of  the  storms,  clouds,  and  winds,  and  of  dawn  and  gloaming. 

There  is  another  important  development  in  the  religion  of  bar- 
baric peoples.  With  the  establishment  of  the  patriarchy  the  patri- 
arch comes  gradually  to  be  the  great  power,  and  worship  of  a clan 
tutelar  deity  is  changed  into  ancestral  worship  — the  worship  of  the 
ancient  chiefs  or  patriarchs ; ancestor  gods  and  ancestral  worship 
replace  tutelar  gods  and  tutelar  worship.  Barbarism,  then,  is  prop- 
erly characterized  by  domestic  ancestor  worship  and  tribal  nature 
worship. 

THE  PSYCHIC  CHANGE. 

The  enlarged  plane  of  human  activities  already  outlined  causes 
an  important  development  in  psychic  activities.  First,  percep- 
tion is  enlarged.  This  is  seen  in  the  fact  that  people  at  this 
stage  are  able  to  read  hieroglyphs;  they  can  perceive  meanings 
in  conventional  characters.  Again,  stimulated  by  the  accumu- 
lation of  wealth,  arithmetic  is  developed  beyond  the  counting 
stage,  and  man  can  add  a number  of  units  to  a number  of  units, 
and  can  subtract  numbers  from  numbers,  and  divide  numbers  by 
numbers.  In  savagery,  men  learn  to  count;  in  barbarism,  men 
learn  arithmetic,  and  can  at  once  perceive  the  simpler  relations  of 
numbers.  The  entire  field  of  human  thought  is  greatly  enlarged, 
and  with  this  enlargement  there  may  be  observed  a nicer  discrimi- 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


191 


nation  of  phenomena,  and  a grouping  of  phenomena  on  a new 
system  of  analogies. 

From  the  foregoing  brief  characterization  it  will  be  seen  that  bar- 
baric culture  implies  a somewhat  high  state  of  agriculture  and  the 
domestication  of  animals,  one  or  both.  It  implies  that  patri- 
archal institutions  have  been  organized,  that  descent  is  in  the 
male  line,  that  ranks  in  society  have  been  established,  and  that  new 
laws  regulating  property  have  been  enacted.  It  implies  that  the 
people  use  hieroglyphs.  It  implies  that  domestic  worship  is  ances- 
tral worship,  that  tribal  worship  is  based  on  physitheism,  and 
that  the  phenomena  of  the  universe  are  attributed  to  nature  gods. 
And  finally,  it  implies  that  men  can  perceive  meanings  in  conven- 
tional signs,  and  that  arithmetic  has  been  invented. 

The  statement  I have  hitherto  made  rests  on  the  postulate  that 
the  progress  of  culture  has  been  essentially  along  the  same  line  in 
all  times  and  places.  The  facts  accumulated  by  the  researches  of 
modern  anthropologists  fairly  establish  this.  It  is  true  there  has 
been  much  variation  in  the  order  and  steps  of  culture,  but  this 
variation  has  been  confined  within  certain  limits.  The  chief 
variation  lies  in  the  fact  that  all  races  have  not  made  progress  to 
the  same  extent.  Some  tribes  are  yet  savages;  other  tribes  are  yet 
barbarians;  and  some  peoples  have  attained  civilization. 

The  common  origin  of  mankind,  otherwise  denominated  the 
unity  of  the  human  race,  is  a conclusion  to  which  the  modern 
science  of  anthropology  gives  abundant  evidence.  Although  the 
diversity  among  men  is  so  great  that  no  two  are  alike,  yet  this  di- 
versity is  restricted  to  narrow  limits.  The  units  of  the  mass  of 
humanity  are  discovered  to  be  homogeneous  in  essential  endow- 
ments to  such  an  extent  as  almost  to  startle  the  student  who 
studies  man  in  all  lands  and  at  all  times. 

Primitive  men  had  a common  origin,  but  early  in  their  history 
they  differentiated  into  biotic  varieties,  characterized  by  the  con- 
formation of  the  skull,  the  proportions  of  the  skeleton,  the  color  of 
the  skin,  the  structure  of  the  hair,  the  attitude  of  the  eyes,  and 
other  biotic  peculiarities.  Had  this  tendency  to  differentiate  con- 
tinued through  the  entire  course  of  human  culture,  species  would 
have  been  established,  but  early  in  the  period  of  human  history  the 
tendency  to  differentiation  was  checked  and  a return  to  homogene- 
ity initiated.  Thenceforth  the  progress  of  mankind  has  been  by 
methods  radically  differing  from  the  methods  of  biotic  evolution  as 
exhibited  among  plants  and  animals. 


192 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE 


This  return  to  biotic  homogeneity  is  due  to  the  development  of 
human  activities,  which  make  men  depend  one  upon  another  in 
such  a manner  that  the  welfare  of  one  involves  the  welfare  of  others, 
so  that  no  man  may  claim  the  right  to  live  for  himself,  but  every  man 
lives  and  labors  for  the  good  of  his  kind.  The  fundamental  prin- 
ciple of  animality  is  supreme  selfishness  ; the  fundamental  principle 
of  humanity  is  mutual  assistance. 

As  man  is  an  animal,  in  systematic  biology  he  may  be  grouped 
with  other  animals  as  determined  by  morphologic  characteristics. 
He  has  a head,  body,  and  limbs  ; he  has  organs  which  perform  the 
functions  of  biotic  life ; and  when  we  consider  man  in  this  aspect 
the  study  is  a part  of  biology.  Man  is  more  than  animal  by  reason 
of  his  activities ; man  is  man  by  reason  of  his  humanities ; and 
when  we  study  him  in  this  aspect  the  subject  is  anthropology. 

Henceforward  human  evolution  differs  radically  from  biotic  evo- 
lution as  exhibited  among  plants  and  animals.  Animal  evolution 
has  been  accomplished  by  the  survival  of  the  fittest  in  the  struggle 
for  existence.  By  this  method  animals  were  adapted  to  environ- 
ment, and  in  the  course  of  this  adaptation  they  differentiated  into  a 
multitude  of  species,  genera,  families,  and  orders.  Animal  evolu- 
tion, then,  has  these  three  characteristics : first,  the  agency  of  evolu- 
tion was  the  survival  of  the  fittest  in  the  struggle  for  existence, 
brought  about  by  over-population  ; second,  the  fittest  that  survived 
were  adapted  to  environment ; and  third,  progress  resulted  in  im- 
measurable variety,  carried  to  the  utmost  degree.  In  all  of  these 
characteristics  human  evolution  differs  radically  from  animal  evolu- 
tion. 

First,  man  has  not  progressed  by  the  survival  of  the  fittest  in  the 
struggle  for  existence.  Man  does  not,  to  any  important  extent, 
compete  with  plants  and  the  lower  animals,  but  he  utilizes  them, 
developing  such  as  he  will  in  directions  that  best  subserve  his  inter- 
ests, and  gradually  destroying  others  from  the  face  of  the  earth. 
Nor  does  man  progress  by  reason  of  competition  within  the  species. 
When  the  highwayman  and  the  traveler  meet,  the  robber  is  not 
always  killed  ; and  when  races  battle  with  each  other,  the  strongest 
and  the  best  go-to  die.  In  the  course  of  human  history,  in  a few 
localities  and  at  a few  times  population  has  been  overcrowded,  but 
in  the  grand  aggregate  the  world  has  never  been  fully  peopled,  and 
man  has  not  crowded  upon  man  for  existence. 

While  man  has  not  progressed  by  the  struggle  for  existence,  he 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


193 


has  progressed  by  his  endeavor  to  secure  happiness  ; and  in  this  en- 
deavor he  has  invented  arts,  institutions,  languages,  opinions,  and 
methods  of  reasoning  — that  is,  he  has  progressed  by  the  development 
of  five  great  classes  of  human  activities.  In  the  establishment  of 
these  activities,  he  transfers  the  struggle  for  existence  from  himself 
to  his  activities,  from  the  subject,  man,  to  the  objects  which  he 
creates.  Arts  compete  with  one  another,  and  progress  in  art  is  by 
the  survival  of  the  fittest  in  the  struggle  for  existence.  In  like 
manner,  institutions  compete  with  institutions,  languages  with  lan- 
guages, opinions  with  opinions,  and  reasoning  with  reasoning;  and 
in  each  case  we  have  the  survival  of  the  fittest  in  the  struggle  for 
existence.  Man  by  his  invention  has  transferred  the  brutal  strug- 
gle for  existence  from  himself  to  the  works  of  his  hand. 

Again,  man  has  not  been  adapted  to  environment.  There  is  no 
aquatic  variety  of  man,  no  aerial  variety,  no  tropical  variety,  no 
boreal  variety,  no  herbivorous  or  carnivorous  variety.  On  the  other 
hand,  man  has  adapted  the  environment  to  himself — that  is,  he  has 
created  for  himself  an  artificial  environment  by  means  of  his  arts. 
He  can  sail  upon  the  sea  and  live  on  the  products  of  the  sea,  and 
he  utilizes  the  denizens  of  the  air  and  the  plants  and  animals  of  the 
land.  He  protects  himself  from  great  heat  and  great  cold  and  in 
a multitude  of  ways  creates  an  artificial  environment.  And  this  he 
has  done  to  such  an  extent  that  were  he  suddenly  to  lose  his  control 
over  the  environment  gained  through  his  arts,  he  would  speedily 
perish  from  the  earth. 

Again,  among  the  lower  plants  and- animals  the  course  of  adap- 
tation to  environment  led  progressively  to  the  differentiation  of 
species,  until  a multiplicity  of  biotic  forms  covered  the  earth.  The 
method  of  human  evolution  by  endeavor  to  secure  happiness  through 
human  activities,  which  resulted  in  the  creation  of  an  artificial  en- 
vironment, checked  the  tendency  of  the  animal  man  to  differentiate 
into  distinct  species,  and  the  interdependence  and  solidarity  that 
were  established  through  these  activities  tend  more  and  more  to 
restore  the  units  of  mankind  to  pristine  homogeneity.  This  is 
accomplished  biotically  by  a constant  interfusion  of  streams  of 
blood,  as  men  are  commingled  and  intermarried  throughout  the 
world.  When  races  of  higher  culture  spread  civilization  over  infe- 
rior races,  the  admixture  goes  on  at  an  increased  rate.  The  blood 
of  the  American  Indian  is  to  a large  extent  mixed  with  the  blood 
of  the  European,  and  especially  is  this  true  where  Latin  peoples 
13 


194 


TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE, 


have  established  themselves.  The  African  tribes  transplanted  in 
America  are  rapidly  bleached  by  the  synthetic  chemistry  of  social 
life.  When  three  generations  more  have  passed,  it  may  not  be 
possible  to  find  a drop  of  pure  Indian  or  negro  blood  on  this  con- 
tinent. Civilization  overwhelms  Savagery,  not  so  much  by  spilling 
blood  as  by  mixing  blood,  but  whether  spilled  or  mixed,  a greater 
homogeneity  is  secured. 

This  return  to  homogeneity  is  accomplished  by  the  spread  of  arts 
from  their  centers  of  invention  to  the  circumference  of  their  util- 
ities. As  an  art  is  expressed  in  material  form,  it  is  an  object-lesson 
readily  learned.  It  may  be  that  the  tongue  of  the  inventor  can  be 
understood  by  no  people  but  those  of  his  own  tribe,  but  his  handi- 
work needs  no  interpreter;  and  so  arts  are  spread  from  land  to 
land,  and  those  who  engage  in  common  arts  are  trained  by  homo- 
geneous methods. 

This  return  to  homogeneity  is  accomplished  by  the  spread  of 
institutions  from  tribe  to  tribe  and  from  nation  to  nation,  for  waves 
of  conquest  have  rolled  again  and  again  over  all  lands,  and  when 
civilization  is  reached  institutions  and  institutional  devices  are  trans- 
planted, for  civilized  men  are  ever  engaged  in  comparison  and  ever 
striving  to  select  the  best. 

This  tendency  to  homogeneity  is  accomplished  by  linguistic  com- 
munication, for  with  the  progress  of  culture  men  come  to  speak 
more  and  more  in  synonyms,  and  dominant  languages  are  spread 
far  beyond  the  boundaries  of  their  native  lands;  and  thus  there  is  a 
tendency  to  homogeneity  of  tongue. 

This  return  to  homogeneity  is  accomplished  by  the  spread  of  opin- 
ions, for  the  opinions  that  influence  the  highest  of  the  race  come 
ultimately  to  influence  all;  and  scientific  philosophy  is  rapidly 
spreading  to  the  uttermost  parts  of  the  earth. 

And  finally  this  homogeneity  is  accomplished  by  the  spread  of 
the  same  methods  of  reasoning,  the  same  psychic  operations.  Hom- 
ologic methods  of  reasoning,  by  which  the  truth  is  reached,  are 
steadily  replacing  analogic  methods,  by  which  myths  only  are  in- 
vented ; and  as  gradually  the  same  facts  are  brought  to  the  light  of 
all  mankind,  and  the  same  processes  of  reasoning  are  pursued,  men 
are  gradually  becoming  occupied  in  the  same  mental  activities. 

Thus  it  is  that  if  we  consider  man  biologically,  or  man  in  relation 
to  his  activities,  expressed  in  arts,  institutions,  languages,  opinions, 
and  reasoning,  we  discover  that  the  tendency  to  the  differentiation 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


195 


of  species  has  been  checked,  and  that  a tendency  to  homogeneity 
has  been  established. 

To  recapitulate : Human  evolution  has  none  of  the  characteristics 
of  animal  evolution.  It  is  not  “by  the  survival  of  the  fittest  ” in  the 
struggle  for  existence,  but  it  is  by  human  endeavor  to  secure  happi- 
ness; and  in  this  endeavor  man  has  transferred  the  struggle  for 
existence  from  himself  to  the  works  of  his  hand  and  mind.  It  is 
not  by  adaptation  to  environment,  but  by  the  creation  of  an  artifi- 
cial environment.  It  does  not  secure  differentiation  into  varieties 
and  species,  but  establishes  a tendency  toward  homogeneity. 

By  the  division  of  labor  men  have  become  interdependent,  so  that 
every  man  works  for  some  other  man.  To  the  extent  that  culture 
has  progressed  beyond  the  plane  occupied  by  the  brute,  man  has 
ceased  to  worked  directly  for  himself  and  come  to  work  directly  for 
others  and  indirectly  for  himself.  He  struggles  directly  to  benefit 
others,  that  he  may  indirectly  but  ultimately  benefit  himself.  This 
principle  of  political  economy  is  so  thoroughly  established  that  it 
needs  no  explication  here ; but  it  must  be  fully  appreciated  before 
we  can  thoroughly  understand  the  vast  extent  to  which  interdepend- 
ence has  been  established.  For  the  glasses  which  I wear,  mines 
were  worked  in  California,  and  railroads  constructed  across  the  con- 
tinent to  transport  the  product  of  those  mines  to  the  manufactories 
in  the  East.  For  the  bits  of  steel  on  the  bow,  mines  were  worked 
in  Michigan,  smelting  works  were  erected  in  Chicago,  manufac- 
tories built  in  New  Jersey,  and  railroads  constructed  to  transport 
the  material  from  one  point  to  the  other.  Merchant-houses  and 
banking-houses  were  rendered  necessary.  Many  men  were  employed 
in  producing  and  bringing  that  little  instrument  to  me.  As  I sit  in 
my  library  to  read  a book,  I open  the  pages  with  a paper-cutter, 
the  ivory  of  which  was  obtained  through  the  employment  of  a tribe 
of  African  elephant-hunters.  The  paper  on  which  my  book  is 
printed  was  made  of  the  rags  saved  by  the  beggars  of  Italy.  A 
watchman  stands  on  guard  in  Hoosac  Tunnel  that  I may  some  time 
ride  through  it  in  safety.  If  all  the  men  who  have  worked  for  me, 
directly  and  indirectly,  for  the  past  ten  years,  and  who  are  now 
scattered  through  the  four  quarters  of  the  earth,  were  marshaled  on 
the  plain  outside  of  the  city,  organized  and  equipped  for  war,  I 
could  march  to  the  proudest  capital  of  the  world  and  the  armies  of 
Europe  could  not  withstand  me.  I am  the  master  of  all  the  world. 
But  during  all  my  life  I have  worked  for  other  men,  and  thus  I am 


196  TRANSACTIONS  OF  ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SOCIETY. 


every  man’s  servant;  so  are  we  all  — servants  to  many  masters  and 
masters  of  many  servants.  It  is  thus  that  men  are  gradually  becom- 
ing organized  into  one  vast  body-politic,  every  one  striving  to  serve 
his  fellow  man  and  all  working  for  the  common  welfare.  Thus  the 
enmity  of  man  to  man  is  appeased,  and  men  live  and  labor  for  one 
another;  individualism  is  transmuted  into  socialism,  egoism  into 
altruism,  and  man  is  lifted  above  the  brute  to  an  immeasurable 
height.  Man  inherited  the  body,  instincts,  and  passions  of  the 
brute ; the  nature  thus  inherited  has  survived  in  his  constitution  and 
is  exhibited  along  all  the  course  of  his  history.  Injustice,  fraud, 
and  cruelty  stain  the  pathway  of  culture  from  the  earliest  to  the 
latest  days.  But  man  has  not  risen  in  culture  by  reason  of  his  brutal 
nature.  His  method  of  evolution  has  not  been  the  same  as  that  of  the 
lower  animals ; the  evolution  of  man  has  been  through  the  evolution 
of  the  humanities,  the  evolution  of  those  things  which  distinguish 
him  from  the  brute.  The  doctrines  of  evolution  which  biologists 
have  clearly  shown  to  apply  to  animals  do  not  apply  to  man.  Man 
has  evolved  because  he  has  been  emancipated  from  the  cruel  laws  of 
brutality. 

The  evolution  of  man  is  the  evolution  of  the  humanities,  by 
which  he  has  become  the  master  of  the  powers  of  the  universe,  by 
which  he  has  made  life  beautiful  with  aesthetic  art,  by  which  he  has 
established  justice,  by  which  he  has  invented  means  of  communi- 
cation, so  that  mind  speaks  to  mind  even  across  the  seas ; by  which 
his  philosophy  is  the  truth  of  the  universe.  Man  is  man  because  of 
the  humanities. 


INDEX 


Page. 


Abandonment  of  homes  by  savages 20 

Abbott,  C.  C.,  elected  a corresponding 

member . < 50 

Aborigines  Protection  Society 91 

Accident  in  invention 150, 1G7 

Adams,  C.  N.,  Election  of,  to  membership.  141 
Adams,  Henry  B.,  elected  a corresponding 

member ! 50 

Adelaide  Peninsula 101 

Adlet 100 

Admiralty  Inlet 96 

Admixture  of  races 193 

Advance  towards  civilization  marked  by 

steps  in  mechanic  arts 162 

^Esthetic  taste  as  a sociologic  force 62 

Aggo * 96 

Aggomiut 96 

Agmakdgna,  Lake 96 

Agriculture  began  in  savagery 185 

Akudliarmiut... 96 

Akudnirmiut 96 

Akudnirn .* 96 

Altruistic  motives  explained 37 

Amendment  to  the  Constitution 21 

American  aborigines,  Circular  architect- 
ure of 137 

Amulets  and  fetiches,  Adoption  of. 142 

Anabaptists...... 83 

Anahuac,  Pottery  from 72,  74 

Anaulereelling 102 

Ancestor  worship 190 

Anderson,  Joseph,  elected  a correspond- 
ing member 51 

Animal  carvings  of  mound-builders 8 

— evolution,  Characteristics  of 192 

Anthropic  vs.  biotic  evolution 58 

Anthropology,  Divisions  of,  in  National 

Museum 39 

— , Practical  utility  of 93 

Anthropometric  committee  of  the  British 

Association,  Report  of  the 57 

Antiquities  from  Vendome,  Senlis,  and  the 

Cave-Dwellings  of  France 67 

Antiquity  of  mounds 18, 19 

Apaches,  Ceremonies  of  the 145 

— , Dancing  of 146 

— , their  symbols  of  cardinal  points 147 

Appetites  as  social  forces 60 

Arbitration,  Substitution  of,  for  war 66 


Page. 

Archaeological  collections  of  Bureau  of 


Ethnology 42 

Arithmetic  acquired  in  barbarism 190 

Artificial  environment  of  man 193 

— kinship  in  the  tribal  state 178 

— parentage  among  the  Zuiiis 137 

Arts,  Competition  of ; 36 

— , Independent  progress  of. 155 

— of  savagery 176. 

Assiniboin ...  65- 

Auditing  committee  appointed 118 

Aurora,  how  regarded  by  the  Eskimo 107, 108 

Authority  of  husband  and  father  devel- 
oped   187 

Aztecs,  Pottery  of  the 72 


Babcock,  Wm.  H.,  Election  of,  to  member- 
ship  95 

— , Remarks  by 166 

Back  River 9G 

Baffin  Land,  The  Eskimo  of. 95-102 

Baird,  Spencer  F.,  complimented  by  Dr. 

Tylor..... 92 

Baker,  Frank,  Charts  prepared  by,  to  illus- 
trate classification  of  social  forces 64 

— , Remarks  by 115,  130, 132 

Bancroft,  H.  H.,  elected  a corresponding 

member 51 

Bandelier,  Ad.  F.,  elected  a corresponding 

member 51 

Barbaric  origin  of  relations  of  employer 

and  employed,  master  and  slave 188 

Barbarism  defined 28 

Barclay,  Robert,  on  the  origin  of  the 

Quakers . 83 

Bates,  Herbert  H.,  Election  of,  to  member- 
ship  2- 

— , Papers  read  by 51, 116 

Bearded  Seal 103 

Bengal,  Census  of 9 

Bessels,  Emil,  Arctic  researches  of. 102 

Bigelow,  Horatio  R.,  Election  of,  to  mem- 
bership   f> 

Bigelow,  Otis,  Remarks  by 66 

Biotic  vs.  anthropic  evolntiou 58 

Black,  Geo.  F.,  Gifts  from 108 

— elected  a corresponding  member 116 

Blodgett,  James  A.,  Paper  read  by 0 

— , Remarks  by 12>  14» 138 

197 


198 


INDEX. 


Page. 


Boas,  Franz,  Paper  read  by....! 95, 102 

Bonaparte,  Prince  Boland,  elected  a corre- 
sponding member 56 

— , Gift  from 07 

Boothia  Felix 101 

Boulder- worship 143 

Braijarrees 66 

Brinton,  Daniel  G.,  elected  a correspond- 
ing member 51 

— , Gifts  from 22 

— , Paper  by 116 

Bull- roarer,  Analogue  of  the,  among  sav- 
age tribes 87 

Bureau  of  Ethnology,  Researches  and  col- 
lections of 8,  24,  42 

, importance  of  its  work 92 

Burnett,  Swan  M.,  Paper  read  by 67 

Burnt  clay  in  mounds 14 

California  Indians,  houses  of 16 

Camp  Verde,  Arizona,  Yuma  ceremonies  at  143 
Cape  Dier 96 

— Isabella 102 

— Kater 102 

— Mercey 97 

— Micklesham 97 

— Wolstenholme 96 

Carl,  Anton,  Election  of,  to  membership....  22 
Carr,  Lucien,  quoted 2,  7, 14,  24 

— elected  a corresponding  member 51 

Caste  in  India  and  elsewhere 9-13 

Casts  of  mound-builders’  textiles 6 

Catlin  portraits.. 44 

Cave-dwellers,  Relation  of  the  Eskimo  to..  106 
Cave-dwellings  of  France,  Antiquities 

from  the 67 

Census  of  Bengal 9 

Ceramic  art,  Origin  and  development  of 

form  and  ornament  in 112-114 

Ceremonial  vase  from  Mexico,  Figure 

of  a 79 

Ceremonies  of  the  Moquis 141 

Navajos 139 

Utes  and  Shoshones 141 

— , Wide-spread  similarity  of 85 

Change  from  enatic  to  agnatic  descent 1S8 

Chantre,  Ernest,  Gifts  from 23 

Charnay,  Desire,  explorations  of 40 

Cherokees,  mound  builders 24, 116 

— , Ancient  home  of. 25 

— , Priority  of. 25 

Chesterfield  Inlet 96 

Child-marriages  in  Bengal 9 

China,  Stationary  civilization  of 131 

Chiricahua  Apache  sun  circle 144 

Choctaws  as  mound  builders 116 

Cholula,  Pottery  found  imbedded  in  the 

pyramid  of 73 

Christian  Indians  practice  heathen  rites...  5 


Page. 


Christy,  Henry 91 

Chulpa,  igloo  and  estufa  compared 138 

Circular  architecture  among  ancient  Peru- 
vians  137 

of  American  aborigines 137 

— rooms  in  Ancient  Pueblos 137 

Civilization,  Elements  of  modern 57 

— internal 58,  59 

Clan  relations 178 

Classification  in  museums 48 

Clothing,  The  desire  for,  a social  force 60 

Cohabitation  and  child-marriages 12, 13 

Collett,  John,  Election  of,  to  membership..  51 
Colored  race  in  the  United  States,  Compa- 
rative frequency  of  certain  eye  dis- 
eases of  the 67 

Columbian  University,  Meetings  of  the 

Society  to  be  held  at  the 95 

Communism  a primitive  institution 93 

Companionship,  Desire  for,  the  social  in- 
stinct proper 61 

Competition  in  human  society 35 

— for  happiness 36 

— of  arts 36 

institutions  and  opinions 37 

Conant,  A.  J.,  elected  a corresponding 

member 51 

Consciousness  as  a source  of  knowledge...  58 

Conservatism  in  America 82 

Conventional  character  not  perceived  by 

the  savage 183 

Co-ordinations  of  natural  forces  in  the 

kingdoms  of  nature 33 

Copper  as  a preservative  of  mound  relics..  6 

— plate  in  mounds 18,  26 

Corbusier,  W.  H.,  Account  of  Yuma  cere- 
monies by 143 

Corresponding  members,  Election  of. 50 

Council  House,  remains  in  mound 24 

Cousin,  Victor,  on  the  sense  of  justice 62 

Creeks  as  mound  builders..... 116 

— , Houses  of  the 17 

Cross  symbol  among  Apaches 145 

Crows....; 65 

Culture  stages,  Various  schemes  of 173, 174 

Cumberland  Sound,  Inhabitants  of 96 

Curator’s  report  upon  publications  re- 
ceived   22 

Curiosities,  Small  scientific  value  of  mere.  91 

Cushing,  Frank  H.,  Remarks  by 115, 137 

Cutlery,  Varieties  of. 15 

Dali,  Wm.  H.,  Remarks  by 106 

Davis  Strait,  Division  of  the  shore  of.... 96 

Dawkins,  WT.  Boyd,  on  the  relation  of  the 

Eskimo  to  the  Cave-dwellers 106 

De  Soto’s  expedition 25 

Destructionist  theory  of  evolution  imper- 
fect  35 


INDEX. 


199 


• Page. 


Dexterity  Bay 102 

Discontinuities  in  nature’s  methods,  51; 
in  evolution,  51 ; in  the  domain  of  an- 
thropology, 52;  not  always  beneficent.  53 
Discovery  distinguished  from  invention...  151 

Diseases,  Mythical  origin  of 4 

Disks,  Silver 57 

Distribution  of  knowledge  and  wealth, 

Barriers  to  the 127-129 

Division  of  labor. 195 

Domestication  of  animals  a step  from  Sav- 
agery to  Barbarism 185 

Dorsey,  J.  O.,  Paper  read  by 3,  65 

-,  Remarks  by 4,  5, 141, 142 

Dress-improver 89 

Dynamic  vs.  Statical  Sociology 64 

Early  differentiation  of  primitive  men 191 

Eaton,  Dorman  B.,  Election  of,  to  mem- 
bership  22 

Eclipse  Bay 102 

Education  in  India 10 

Eivillik.... 102 

Election  of  officers 21, 118 

Elements  of  Modern  Civilization 57 

Ellesmere  Land 102 

Elson  Bay 103 

Engelmann,  George  J.,  elected  a corres- 
ponding member... — 

Enjoyment  not  to  be  confounded  with  re- 
finement  136 

Erignathus  barbatus 103 

Erkilik 100 

Eskimo,  Myths  of  the 107 

— of  Baffin  Land 95-102 

, Houses  of  the 98 

, Clothing  of  the 99 

, Music,  poetry,  tales,  and  religion 

of  the 100 

Estufa,  chulpa  and  igloo,  compared 138 

Ethics,  International 65 

Ethnographic  classification  condemned...  48 

Etowah  mounds  in  Georgia 25 

Eurematies,  Postulates  in 149 

— , word  proposed 148 

European  objects  found  in  mounds 24 

Evidences  of  the  Antiquity  of  Man  on  the 

site  of  the  city  of  Mexico 68 

Evolution,  Canons  of,  respecting  man 31 

— , Laws  of,  apply  to  mind  and  society 33 

— of  the  humanities 173 

Exeter  Bay 96 

Exsufflating  evil  spirits 85 

Extraneous  instruments  replacing  per- 
fection of  organism  in  man 52 

Eye  diseases,  Comparative  frequency  of 
certain,  in  the  white  and  colored 
races 67 

Family,  Origin  of  the 61 


Page. 

Farquharson,  R.  J.,  Death  of,  announced...  118 
Feeling  vs.  Function  as  sociologic  factors  . 64 

Feudal  system,  Cast  iron  polity  of  the 131 

Fisher,  Wm.  J.,  Collections  of,  for  National 

Museum 43,  44 

Fison,  Lorimer,  quoted 162 

Flattening  in  skulls 57 

Fletcher,  Robert,  Remarks  by 13,  57 

Flint,  Weston  , Remarks  by 50 

Flour-dust  explosion  in  Minneapolis 165 

Food  collection  in  the  National  Museum...  41 
Foote,  J.  Howard,  musical  instruments  in 

the  National  Museum 44 

Forces  of  society 64 

— , Classification  of  the 64 

Frobisher  Bay,  Inhabitants  of. 96 

From  Savagery  to  Barbarism 173 

Function  vs.  Feeling  as  scciologic  factors..  64 
Fury  Strait : 96 

Gallaudet,  E.  M.,  Paper  read  by 65 

Gatschet,  A.  S.,  Letter  from 6 

— , Remarks  by 144 

Genesis  of  inventions 147, 163 

Gentes  of  Osages,  their  relation  to  the  se- 
cret society 3 

Gifts  reported  by  the  Curator 1,  22,  57 

Giglioli,  Enrico,  elected  a corresponding 

member 56 

Gildersleeve,  Basil,  elected  a correspond- 
ing member 51 

Glasgow,  Classes  of  society  in 138 

Gore,  J.  H.,  Remarks  by 2 

Gould,  E.  R.  L.,  Election  of,  to  membership  137 
Governmental  scientific  work  in  America.  92 

Grainbinder,  Invention  of  the 165 

Grave  Creek  mound 116 

Graves  in  West  Virginia 1 

Gregory,  J.  M.,  Election  of,  to  member- 
ship  22 

— , Paper  read  by 57, 118 

Habitations  of  the  mound-builders  and 

modern  Indians 15 

Hafted  celt,  Origin  of  the 116 

Haida  carvings,  etc 46 

Hair,  Superstition  about  giving  away  a 

lock  of. 85 

Hale,  Horatio,  elected  a corresponding 

member 51 

— on  mound-builders 116 

Hall,  G.  Stanley,  elected  a corresponding 

member 51 

Hampshire  County,  W.  Va.,  Mounds  and 

graves  in 1 

Happiness,  Competition  for 36 

Harbor  Seal 103 

Harpoons  of  the  Eskimo 106 


200 


INDEX. 


Page. 

Hart,  Amos  W.,  Election  of,  to  membership  6 

— , Remarks  by 130, 167 

Hartt’s  theory  of  ornament 114 

Haslibach,  the  Martyr,  Hymn  commemo- 
rative of. 83 

Hatch,  L.  J.,  Election  of  to  membership...  147 

Heber’s  Travels  in  India,  Quotation  from..  66 

Hecla  Strait 96 

Henshaw,  H.  W.,  Paper  by 142 

— quoted 8 

— Researches  of,  on  mound-pipes 8 

Hilder,  H.  H.,  elected  a corresponding 

member 51 

Histriophoca  fasciata 103 

Holmes,  W.  H.,  Papers  read  by 7,  68,  112,  137 

— , Remarks  by 26 

Home  Bay 102 

Homogeneity,  Tendency  to,  in  human 

races 104 

Houses  of  the  Mound-Builders 13 

modern  Indians 16 

Howitt,  A.  W.,  on  ceremonies  of  the  Kur- 

nai  tribe 57 

— , Paper  read  by 95 

Human  evolution .’ 1 

Hunger  as  a social  force 60 

Hutcheson,  David,  Resignation  of,  as 

Secretary 38 

Igloo,  estufa,  and  chulpa,  compared 138 

Iglulingmiut 96 

Iglumiut 95,  96 

Ikalualuin 102 

India,  Collections  from,  in  National  Mu- 
seum  41 

Indians,  Number  of,  greatly  overstated  by 

early  writers 19 

Industrialism  as  a discontinuity  in  nature.  52 
Institutions,  Competition  of. 37 

— of  savagery 176 

Intellect  as  a power  in  civilization 31 

Intellectual  appetite 62 

Interdependence  of  mankind 195 

International  ethics 65 

Interrelation  of  human  activities 175 

Intrusive  burial : 57 

Invention  and  discovery  distinguished 151 

— by  succession  of  increments 167 

— , different  senses  in  which  the  word  is 

used 148 

— generates  wants 152 

— , Genesis  of 147 

— , Place  of  accident  in 150 

— proceedsby  specialization 153 

— , Survival  of  the  fittest 37 

— , Synchronism  of. 166 

— , The  genius  of 163 

Inventory  of  man’s  possessions  in  the  pro- 

tolithic  age 160 


Page. 


Iowas 65 

Isochronous  oscillation  of  pendulum,  Dis- 
covery of 151 

Isolation  of  important  inventions 165 

Jemez,  practice  mystic  rites  in 5 

Ita-Eskimo „ 102 

Jenkins,  Thornton  A.,  Election  of,  to  mem- 
bership   108 

Johnson,  J.  Taber,  Remarks  by 12 

Jones,  C.  C.j  Elected  a corresponding 

member 51 

Jones  Sound 102 

Jus  gentium 65,  66 

Justice,  Efforts  made  by  savages  to  attain.  130 
— , The  sense  of,  as  the  foundation  princi- 
ple of  the  state 62 

Kaixolin 103 

Kansas  (Indian*) 65 

Kasigia : 103 

Kauffman,  S.  H.,  Election  of,  to  member- 
ship  1 

Keam’s  catalogue  of  relics 141 

Kengla,  L.  A.,  Paper  read  by 1 

Kerr,  M.  D.,  Election  of,  to  membership...  95 
Kerr,  W.  C.,  elected  a cerresponding  mem- 
ber   137 

Kignaitmiut.. 96 

Kinguamiut 96 

King  William’s  Land 10L 

King’s  Cape 95,  96 

Knox,  John  Jay,  Election  of,  to  member- 
ship  22 

Kodlunarn 100 

Kurnai  tribe,  Ceremonies  of  the 57 

Labor-saving  devices,  Industrial  revolu- 
tion brought  about  by 134 

La  Flfeche,  Joseph 134 

Laissez  faire  philosophy  condemned 32 

useful  against  harmful  adjust- 
ments in  mental  and  social  life 33 

Lake  Kennedy 96 

Lamarckian  doctrine  expanded  by  Dar- 
win  t 35 

Lancaster  Sound 9§ 

Language  of  Barbarism 189 

savagery... 180 

Languages,  Competitions  of 37 

Leakin,  George,  elected  a corresponding 

member 51 

Legislation  cannot  controvert  natural  laws  34 

Lithography,  Origin  of 151 

Lorillard  Collection 40 

Los  Novillos,  Antiquities  from 40 

Lost  arts I62 


INDEX. 


201 


Page. 

Love  of  knowledge  as  a soeiologic  force...  62 

offspring  as  a sociologic  force 61 

an  extension  of  self-love 61 

McKay,  C.  L.,  Alaskan  collection 40 

— , death  of. 43 

McGee,  W J,  Election  of,  to  membership..  21 

MacLean,  J.  J.,  Collections  of 40,  43 

McLennan  quoted 11 

Madisonville,  Mounds  at 17 

Magic  ring  among  Apaches 145 

Maine,  Sir  Henry,  on  patriarchy 28 

Majoraridjen 102 

Mallery,  Garrick,  Remarks  by 141, 142, 143 

Man  makes  progress  by  his  endeavor  to 

secure  happiness... 193 

Man’s  mastery  of  nature  a result  of  the  pos- 
session of  tools 159 

Maricourt,  Count  and  Baron  de,  Antiqui- 
ties sent  by ; 67 

Marriage  institutions,  Origin  of- 61 

Martin,  Henri,  Death  of,  announced 118 

Mason,  Otis  T.,  Remarks  by,  2,  3,  5,  7,  8, 13, 14,  17 
29,  50,  55,  165,  106, 114,  137 

Massawomec  Indians 1 

Material  progress,  how  distinguished  from 

moral  progress 124 

Materia  Medica  section  in  the  National 

Museum 41 

Matthews,  Washington,  Papers  by 139, 171 

Meander  design  from  Mexico,  Figure  of  a 78 

Medicine  Societies 4 

— stones _ 142 

Mennonites,  Origin  and  customs  of  the....  83 

Mexico,  Evidences  of  the  antiquity  of  man 

on  the  site  of  the  city  of. 68 

— , Pottery  from  the  city  of 71 

Migrations  of  the  Siouan  tribes 65 

Mind  as  a social  factor 31 

new  factor  in  biology 31 

— , Definition  of 32 

— , Physical  basis  of 32 

Mindeleff,  Victor  and  Cosmos,  Election  of, 

to  membership 95 

— , Victor,  Paper  read  by 137 

Minneapolis,  Flour  dust  explosion  in 165 

Minnetarees 65 

Missouris 65 

Mitchell,  Arthur,  quoted 138 

Mold  collections  in  National  Museum ...  42 

— , Mystical  ceremonies  of. 141 

Moral  and  eesthetic  development  compared 

with  material 53 

material  progress  contrasted 121 

— progress,  Conflicting  views  respect- 
ing  121, 122 

, Proofs  of 122,  123 

, Fluctuating  character  of 123 


Pago. 

Moral  progress,  All,  due  to  the  progress  of 


intelligence 126 

, The  two  kinds  of.... 136 

Morality,  Diverse  standards  of. 132 

— Relation  of,  to  food  supply 133 

Morals,  difficulty  in  estimating  those  of 

other  ages  and  lands 132, 133 

Morgan’s  scheme  of  culture  stages 174 

Morse,  E.  S.,  elected  a corresponding 

member 51 

Mosely,  Professor  H.  N 84 

Mound  Builders,  Antiquity  of. is 

, Cherolcees  were 24 

, Houses  of. 13 

5 On  the  probable  nationality  of  the....  116 

, proof  that  they  were  Indians 7, 15,  18,  24 

29, 118 

, Status  of  culture  of 7, 15 

, Textiles  of. o 

— building  tribes ng  118 

Mounds  in  West  Virginia 1-3 

— , High  antiquity  of  some is 

— , Vast  numbers  of ig 

Murdoch,  John,  Election  of,  to  member- 
ship  10s 

— , Papers  read  by 102, 168 

Muskoki,  Houses  and  villages  of 17 

Mythological  Dry  Painting  of  the  Navajos.  339 

— painting  of  the  Zunis, 143 

Myths  of  the  Eskimo 107 

Nadaillac,  Marquis  de,  on  antiquity  of  the 

mounds 27 

Natchez  as  mound  builders lie 

National  Museum,  Anthropological  collec- 
tions in  the 38 

methods  of  administration 33 

classification  and  organization 46 

Natural  selection  as  applied  to  mind 32 

Nauligd 103 

Navajos,  Houses  of. 16 

— , Mythological  dry  painting  of 139 

Neophytes  in  Indian  Medicine 4 

Netchillik 102 

Netchillirmiut 101 

Nettilling  Fiord 96,  97 

N6tyi. 103 

Niblack,  Albert,  Paper  read  by 38 

Nigawauotin 109 

Nillson,  Sven,  Death  of,  announced 6 

Nomads,  American  Indians,  not 27 

Norris,  P.  W.,  Death  of,  announced 141 

North  American  Indians  not  nomads 28 

North  Devon 102 

Norton  Sound,  Seal  fishing  in 106 

Nugumiut 96 

Numbers  perceived  by  savages  to  a limited 

degree 183 


202 


INDEX. 


Page. 


Numbers;  Mystic . 141 

Nunivak  people,  Spear  used  by  the 106 

Obsidian  knives  of  the  Aztecs 74 

Officers  elected  for  1885 118 

Okkiadliving 98 

Oko . 96 

Okomiut 96 

Old  arts  degenerate  as  new  arise 138 

Old-fashionedness  in  America 82 

Omaha  Indians 65 

— tradition  of  sacred  pipes 142 

Ometepec,  Antiquities  from 40 

Operative  basis  of  dividing  human  society  10 

Opinions,  Competitions  of. 37 

Organization  of  barbaric  society  on  a prop- 
erly basis 188 

— of  mankind 10, 11 

Orientation  in  building  and  in  prayer 4 

Ornament,  Hartt’s  theory  of 114 

Osages 95 

Osage  secret  society 3 

Otos... 65 

Padli 96,  97 

Painting,  Mythological,  of  the  Zufiis 143 

Parentage,  Artificial,  among  the  Zufiis 137 

Parental  desire  as  a social  force 61 

Patriarchy  in  barbaric  society 190 

— in  savage  society 137 

Pelly  Bay 102 

Pennsylvania,  Old  fashioned  products  of..  82 

Peoria  Lake,  Mounds  on 18 

Pequas,  same  as  Pequods 117 

Perception  of  savagery 183 

— unconscious  induction 183 

Peruvians,  Circular  architecture  among...  137 
Peters,  Edward  T.,  Election  of,  to  member- 
ship  22 

— , Remarks  by -. 130, 134 

Philosophy  of  barbarism 189 

— of  savagery 180 

Phoca  fostida 103 

— vitulina 103 

Physical  basis  of  mind 32 

Physiocrats  in  France 34 

Physitheism  in  barbaric  society 190 

Pictures  in  colored  sands 139 

Picture  writing  developed  in  barbarism....  1S9 
Pierce,  P.  B.,  Election  of,  to  membership..  13 

— , Remarks  by 164 

Pike,  Primitive,  how  made 156 

Pipe  from  Mexico  Figure  of  a 80 

Pitt-Rivers,  Museum  of  General 90 

Poindexter,  Wm,  M.,  Election  of,  to  mem- 
bership  95 

Point  Barrow,  Collections  from 43 

, Seal  catching  at 102 

Pollard,  J.  M.,  on  certain  mounds  in  Mis- 
sissippi   116 


Page. 


Polyandry ci 

Polygamy 61 

Pomialowsky,  Prof.  A.,  elected  a corre- 
sponding member 56 

Pond’s  Bay 96 

Ponka ... . 65 

Porter,  John  Addison,  Election  of,  to  mem- 
bership   ns 

Pottery  from  Mexico,  Figures  of 71,  73,  75,  76 

77,  78,  79 

Powell,  J.  W.,  Annual  addresses  of. 1, 119, 173 

— , Gift  from , 108 

— , Remarks  by 2,  3,  4,  5,  10, 15, 17, 18,  25,  27, 29, 

65,  66,  117,  130,  141 

Prehistoric  Shawnees,  from  mound  testi- 
mony  117 

Premature  inventions 165 

Primitive  arts,  Persistence  of. 162 

— man,  effect  of  the  possession  of  the  tool 

in  ameliorating  his  condition 158 

Problems  of  American  Anthropology 81 

Progress,  Moral  and  material,  contrasted..  121 
defined 121, 124, 126 

— of  culture  along  the  same  line  in  all 

times  and  places 191 

— of  mankind  by  a method  different  from 

biotic  evolution 191 

Protolithic  age ...... 160 

Proudfit,  S.  V.,  Election  of,  as  Secretary,..  38 

— , Remarks  by 57 

Psychic  activities  in  barbarism 190 

— operations  of  savagery 181 

Pueblos,  Study  of  circular  rooms  in ?...  137 

Pumpelly,  Raphael,  elected  a correspond- 
ing member 51 

Putnam,  F.  W.,  elected  a corresponding 

member 51 

— , Investigations  of. 17 

Pyramids  of  San  Juan  Teotihuaean,  Tex- 
coco,  and  Cholula,  Pottery  found  in 
the 73 

Quakers,  Origin  of  the 82,  83 

Rational  and  moral  forces  subject  to  law 

of  survival 33 

Ranke,  Prof.  Johannes,  elected  a corres- 
ponding member 156 

Recent  Indian  graves  in  Kansas 56 

Refinement  not  to  be  confounded  with  en- 
joyment   136 

Regulation  of  social  activities,  Need  of.. .129, 135 
Regulations  and  restrictions  by  the  state...  34 

Religious  faculty 63 

Repulse  Bay 102 

Reversion  of  tribes  to  barbarism 27 

Reynolds,  Elmer  R.,  Paper  read  by 67 

— , Remarks  by.... 3 

Reynolds,  H.  L.,  Election  of,  to  member- 
ship  118 


INDEX. 


203 


Ribbon  seal 

Rifle,  Development  of  the 

Ringed  seal 

Royce,  C.  C.,  Paper  read  by 

Sacred  pipes,  Omaha  tradition  of 

San  Antonio,  N.  M.,  Indian  drawings  at 

San  Juan,  Pyramid  of .. 

Saumia,  Inhabitants  of 

Saumingmiut 

Savagery,  Arts  of 

— defined 

— , Institutions  of 

— , Language  of 

— , Petty  agriculture  of.. 

— , Philosophy  of 

— , Psychic  operations  of 

— to  Barbarism,  From ... 

Scientific  research  conducted  by  the  Am- 
erican Government 

Scraping  wood,  Origin  of 

Scroll  ornament  from  Mexico,  Figure  of  a. 
Scudder,  Samuel  H.,  on  discoveries  in  the 

mounds 

Seal  catching  at  Point  Barrow 

Seal-nets,  Use  of,  by  the  Eskimos 

Seals  hunted  by  the  Eskimos  of  Point  Bar- 

row  

Secret  society  of  the  Osages  and  other 

tribes 

Seely,  F.  A.,  Paper  read  by..... 

— , Remarks  by.. 9, 

Segregation  of  male  members  of  a tribe 

through  irrigational  agriculture 

Self-interest  as  a sociologic  force 

Self-love  as  a social  force 

Senlis,  Antiquities  from 

Separation  of  a tribe  by  clans,  Results  of.. 

Sexual  appetite  as  a sociologic  force 

Shawnees,  Origin  of  the 

name 

— , Dialect  of  the 

Shell,  Carvings  on,  in  mounds 

Shelter,  The  desire  for,  a social  force 

Sicosuilar 

Sicosuilarmiut 

Silver  disks 

Sinimiut 

Sinking  class  in  Glasgow 

Siouan  tribes,  Migrations  of  the 

Classification  of  the 

Skulls,  Flattening  of. 

Smithsonian  collections  for  1883..'. 

Smith  Sound 

Snell,  W.  B.,  Election  of,  to  member- 
ship  

Social  forces,  Classification  of  the 

— inequalities 

— instincts 


Page. 


Southampton  Island ; 101 

Spanish  glaze 

Spencer,  Herbert,  on  the  conditions  to 

moral  progress 121, 122 

— , Opinion  of,  on  tribal  society 28 

— quoted 32,  58 

Statical  and  dynamic  methods  in  sociol- 
ogy  64 

Stejneger,  L.  M.,  Collections  of,  from  Beh- 
ring Island 43 

Stevenson,  James,  Paper  read  by 143 

— ,and  Mrs.,  work  of,  among  the  Pueblos....  93 
Stone  carvings  in  the  mounds 18 

— graves  in  West  Virginia  and  the  Missis- 

sippi Valley 1-4 

— hatchet,  the  culmination  for  the  time 

of  art 15 5 

Study  of  invention.  Postulates  in  the 149 

Survival  of  the  fittest  does  not  obtain  in 

human  evolution 192 

in  human  society ; 35 

— , The  term,  becoming  popularly  under- 
stood   94 

Swan,  James  G.,  Explorations  of. 45 

Synchronism  of  inventions 166 

Synonomy  of  tribes  of  North  America 65 

Taensas  as  mound-builders 116 

Tagore,  Surindro  Mohun,  Rajah,  Donation 

of  musical  instruments  by 44 

Tamenents  Indian  in  West  Virginia 1 

Tellirpingmiut 96 

Temporary  home  of  savages 20 

Ten  Kate,  Hermann,  elected  a correspond- 
ing member 116 

Teotihuacan,  Pyramid  of 73 

Tessiujang  Fiord 102 

Texcocingo,  Pottery  from 73 

Texcoco,  Pyramid  of 73 

Textile  fabrics  of  mound-builders 6 

— section  in  National  Museum 41 

Thirst  as  a social  force 60 

Thomas,  Cyrus,  Papers  read  by 13,  24, 117 

— quoted 7 

— , Remarks  by 18,  32,  53,  57,  117, 130 

Thompson,  A.  Harry,  Election  of  to  mem- 
bership  141 

Thompson,  Alton  H.,  Paper  read  by 56 

Thompson,  Gilbert,  Remarks  by 140 

Tikerakdjuak 96 

Tools,  Invention  of. 158 

Tradition,  Cherokee,  respecting  tribal 

priority 25 

Travelers,  Degree  of  confidence  to  be 

placed  in  the  statements  of. 84 

Tribal  conduct  relating  to  mythical  beings  179 

— laws  regarding  marriage 179 

property 179 

personal  authority 17 


Page. 

103 

90 

103 

117 

142 

140 

73 

97 

96 

176 

28 

176 

180 

185 

180 

181 

119 

92 

157 

78 

18 

102 

107 

103 

3 

147 

26,  57 

187 

61 

61 

67 

186 

61 

117 

116 

116 

26 

60 

95 

95 

57 

102 

138 

65 

65 

57 

38 

101 

147 

64 

127 

61 


204 


INDEX. 


Page. 

Tribal  laws  to  prevent  and  end  controversy  179 


— peoples,  herdsmen  and  nomads 186 

— priority 25 

— state,  Nature  of  the 177 

— states,  Organization  of 10 

Tripod  dishes  from  Mexico  (figured) 76,  77 

Tudjan 102 

Tudnikjuak 98 

Tudnumirmiut 96 

Tudnunirossirmiut 96 

Tunnit 98 

Tu  p6k 103 

Turner,  Lucien  M.,  Collection  of,  from 

Ungava  Bay 44 

— , Election  of,  to  membership. .. 108 

— , Researches  of,  in  Ungava 101 

Tutelos 65 

Two  Crows 143 

Tylor,  E.  B.,  Address  of 81 

— , his  scheme  of  culture  stages 81 

Ugru 103 

Ukusiksalingmiut 101 

Umingmamnuna v 102 

Unearned  increase  of  land,  John  Stuart 
Mill’s  proposition  to  prevent,  by  taxa- 
tion  135 

Ungava,  Turner’s  researches  in 101 

Unity  of  the  human  race,  Evidence  of  an- 
thropology upon 191 

Vendome,  Collection  of  antiquities  from...  67 

Vice-presidents’  sections  assigned 31 

Vulcanization  of  India  rubber,  Origin  of...  151 

Wager  River 102 

Wankel,  Dr.  Heinrich,  Gifts  from 23 

Wants  generated  by  inventions 152 

— , Vital,  as  social  forces 60,  61 

Ward,  Lester  F.,  Papers  read  by 31, 120 

— , Mind  defined  by 132 


— , Remarks  by 29,  53,  64, 130, 136 


Page. 


Ward,  Lester  F.,  his  scheme  of  culture 

stages 174 

Warfare  the  expression  of  public  and  pri- 
vate competition 35 

— the  enemy  of  progress . 36 

Warren,  Charles,  Election  of,  to  member- 
ship   l 

Waste  of  competition 130 

Water  impassable  to  spirits 89 

— supply  of  arid  regions 19 

Wealth,  Possibility  of  greatly  increased 

production  of 128 

Welling,  J.  C.,  Remarks  by 32,  53, 130,131 

West  Virginia,  Mounds  and  graves  in ...  1 

White  goose,  Mystic  use  of  down  of. 142 

Whittlesey,  Charles,  elected  a correspond- 
ing member 151 

Wilson,  Daniel,  elected  a corresponding 

member 51 

Wilson,  Thomas,  Letter  from,  on  French 

archaeology .' 13 

— , Election  of,  to  membership 21 

Winnebagos 65 

Women  in  Osage  secret  society 4 

Wood- working  by  abrasion,  earliest  me- 
chanical process 156 

Worship  of  animal  gods  characteristic  of 

savage  philosophy 181 

boulders 143 

Wright,  Harrison,  Death  of,  announced 141 

Yarnall,  J.  H.,  Election  of,  to  member- 
ship  115 

Yucatan,  Work  from  mounds  resembling 

those  of 26 

Yuma  ceremonies 143 

Zootheism  characteristic  of  savage  philos- 
ophy   181 

— , High  form  of,  in  barbarism 189 

Zuni  collections  in  National  Museum 42 

Zunis,  Artificial  age  and  parentage  among  137 
— , Mythological  painting  of  the 143 


/ 

& & 

1820 


GETTY  RESEARCH  INSTITUTE 


3 3125  01499  6678 


